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Islam in its purest form. The Hajj. But also Pope Leo XIV, head of the Catholic Church, has his voice … AI is a threat to all unless there is oversight

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Truth … President Truman explains that Zionists wanted the whole of Palestine May 14 1948 …. 2026 wars rage on and on

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The Rundown: The Pope on AI. The Pope’s 42,000-word verdict on AI

POPE ON AI✝️ The Pope’s 42,000-word verdict on AIImage source: Images 2.0 / The Rundown

The Rundown: Pope Leo XIV just released Magnifica Humanitas, his first encyclical, to the Church’s 1.4B members, warning that a moral AI means nothing “if that morality is determined by a few” and calling to “disarm” the tech before it dominates humanity.

The details: Leo warned that AI’s drivers are private, transnational companies that already surpass the capacity of many governments, and that the tech is never neutral. He called for making AI “human-friendly” and freeing it from monopolistic control, warning it risks reducing people to cogs in an efficiency machine. Leo called for “robust legal frameworks, independent oversight, informed users, and a political system that does not abdicate its responsibility.”

On warfare, he said lethal decisions must never be delegated to AI and that “no algorithm can make war morally acceptable.”

Anthropic’s Christopher Olah also joined the Pope, saying “every frontier AI lab operates inside incentives that can conflict with doing the right thing.”

Why it matters: The Pope issues only a handful of encyclicals, and dedicating one to AI signals how seriously the Catholic Church is taking what’s coming. Leo sees AI as the Industrial Revolution of our time, and he’s chosen a partner that has been the most vocal about AI safety and most willing to say no to unrestricted AI use by the military.
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RIA: In this article, Brian Crowley gives an insight into the lives of individual women imprisoned in Grangegorman Female Penitentiary, Britain and Ireland’s first female-only prison. Brian Crowley is the Curator of Collections for Kilmainham Gaol and the Pearse Museum and the author of a number of historical articles and ‘Patrick Pearse, A Life in Pictures’.

The lost lives of prisoners in Grangegorman Female Penitentiary

In this article, Brian Crowley gives an insight into the lives of individual women imprisoned in Grangegorman Female Penitentiary, Britain and Ireland’s first female-only prison. Brian Crowley is the Curator of Collections for Kilmainham Gaol and the Pearse Museum and the author of a number of historical articles and ‘Patrick Pearse, A Life in Pictures’.

1 May 2026

It was with some fanfare that the Inspectors-General of Irish Prisons announced in their 1837 annual report that the ‘Discipline of Female Prisons throughout the Country is likely to receive a Stimulus from the Example of the Grange Gorman Female Penitentiary recently opened in Dublin.’ When it opened the previous year, Grangegorman Female Penitentiary became the first prison in Britain and Ireland to exclusively house women prisoners. This ‘Experiment of an exclusive Female Penitentiary’ placed Ireland at the cutting edge of prison reform at the time, and its establishment was in part due to encouragement and support of the Inspectors-General. Their office had been established in 1822. There were two inspectors and between them, they visited, inspected and reported on every prison in Ireland annually. Although their recommendations to local authorities were not binding, they were quite influential and their annual report was published by the House of Commons. It would seem that they took a particular interest in Grangegorman and were very admiring of the prison’s Head Matron, Marion Rawlins, who had previously worked in Cold Bath Fields Prison in London and was recommended for the post by the well-known English prison reformer, Elizabeth Fry.  In the years following the opening of the prison, the Inspectors-General produced minutely detailed reports of the running of Grangegorman, as they did for all the prisons in Ireland. Their reports remain the main source for understanding the workings of Irish prisons in the mid-nineteenth century.

What is largely absent from the Inspectors-General reports however, is any reference to the lives of individual women imprisoned in Grangegorman. The Inspectors-General treated prisoners as a single homogenous group which they could quantify and analyse in statistical tables to reveal things like the average cost of incarcerating each prisoner, or the financial contribution each prisoner made though their prison work. Their figures were based on the prison account books and registers of prisoners kept by each prison. The Inspectors-General were given full access to these records during their annual visits. The information recorded about prisoners in the prison registers varied slightly depending on the time period and the individual prison, but generally they noted prisoners’ names, their age, crime, sentence, as well as the dates they entered and left the prison. They recorded each prisoner’s physical appearance, including their height, hair colour and complexion. These details would have enabled them to identify escaped prisoners and also aided in recognizing repeat offenders who often provided a false names on rearrest. Levels of literacy were noted as was a prisoner’s trade, if they had one. The Grangegorman registers recorded where prisoners were originally from rather than where they were living at the time of their arrest. The Dublin prison authorities were often anxious to emphasise the fact that the majority of prisoners in their gaols originally came from other counties and that the cost of their incarceration was being borne by the rate-payers of the city rather than the communities from where they came.

While the registers recorded a significant amount of personal information, any expression of individuality by prisoners during their incarceration was ruthlessly suppressed by the authorities. Prisoners were constantly encouraged to abandon their pre-prison lifestyles and become instead law-abiding, constructive members of society. For the prison authorities, prisoners were seen primarily as the subjects of their carefully planned efforts to reform them. As far as they were concerned, the only acceptable response to these efforts was absolute compliance. For most of the prisoners held in Grangegorman, the only surviving archival record of their existence is their entry in prison registers. Outside the prison walls, these prisoners existed on the margins, living in the poorest and most squalid of conditions. It was often only through their acts of anti-social behaviour, such as window breaking, petty crime and disorderly conduct, that their existence reached the notice of wider Irish society. They also became the focus of public attention in the early nineteenth century because of the increasing levels of female criminality, particularly in urban areas. The establishment of Grangegorman as a female-only prison indicated the progressive and modernising spirit of the Irish prison authorities, but it also reflected the particular challenge Irish prisons faced at that time in relation to high levels of female criminality. The relative lack of industrial development in Irish towns and cities in the nineteenth century meant that economic opportunities for women from the lower classes were limited. Domestic service was one of the main sources of employment for women, but a prison record effectively cut them off from this kind of work as employers insisted that domestic servants be women ‘of good character’. In contrast with male prisoners, women who had spent time in prison seem to have found it very difficult to find legal work and the means to support themselves. Having entered the prison system, many found it almost impossible to escape an endless cycle of arrest, imprisonment and re-arrest. While the Inspectors-General expressed their belief in their 1837 report that the new prison in Grangegorman would lead to the reformation of female prisoners, they were concerned that there was no ‘Place of Refuge into which such Persons can be received on being discharged from Confinement.’  Much as they may have wanted to avoid returning to prison, with nowhere to live on their release and no means supporting themselves, many of the women had no alternative other than to return to a life of crime and disorder.

The Inspectors-General were overwhelmingly positive about the new Grangegorman prison and the way it was run in their annual reports. In 1839 they wrote about the

… great value of such an Institution in this populous City; the mode of treatment, and regulations suitable to a Female, being in some degree different from those applicable to a Male person

In 1841 they were happy to report that it maintained ‘the high character it has hitherto so deservedly borne’.  The Inspectors gave Marion Rawlins much of the credit for the smooth running of the prison and in 1842 said her ‘zeal and intelligence on the subject of Prison Discipline cannot be too highly reported upon’. However by 1846, after a decade in operation, it became clear that despite the fact that the Grangegorman was seen by the authorities as one of the best run prisons in the country, a significant number of its inmates almost immediately returned to a life of crime following their release. This was deeply troubling for the advocates of prison reform who had secured significant financial and political support for the building and operation of new prisons on the basis that they would reform prisoners and turn them away from a life of criminality. In addition, prison numbers and arrests were also growing across the country, largely as a result of the catastrophic effects of the Great Famine.

In their 1846 Report, the Inspectors-General of prisons decided to highlight the problem of recidivism by compiling a list of the 45 women who had most frequently been recommitted to Grangegorman Female Penitentiary. Unusually, this table referenced individual prisoners by name. It appears to have been based on those present in the prison on the day of their inspection, 1 October 1822. The table listed the number of misdemeanours and more serious felonies, but excluded arrests for drunkenness.

Return of 45 Female Prisoners taken from the number confined in Grangegorman Penitentiary on the 1st October, 1846, who have frequently been recommitted thereunto, showing how many times committed for felony and for misdemeanours respectively, exclusive of drunkenness.

NameAgeFeloniesMisdemeanours
Mary Kelly or Hollywood39296
Mary A. Humphreys3097
Eliza Brady2997
Eliza Moran34192
Mary Doyle33281
Mary A. Casey27182
Fanny Smith3682
Mary Egan3982
Julia Quinn30176
Emily Browne29174
Sarah Forbes32271
Cath. Dunne or Wilson31270
Anne Carr37170
Sarah Graham27168
Maria Wilkinson29266
Norah Moore28263
Mary Fay26161
Margt. Conway or Doyle29547
Jane Symes29249
Mary Henry28149
Cath. Doyle or Walsh2650
Anne Caulfield29248
Margaret Keane31347
Catherine Higgins31247
Eliza Beers32147
Mary Daly4546
Anne Ward26144
Charlotte Fitzgerald33243
Mary McDermott2345
Mary Lawlor2942
Mary Closdale30239
Esther Jones30140
Eliza Owens31137
Anne Moffitt29137
Mary Donohue2734
Mary A. James28233
Sarah Murray25133
Mary Hamilton2634
Eliza Nowlan3232
Julia Dwyer23130
Emily Hughes1831
Maria Turner26229
Margaret Hopkins2532
Mary A. Williams2630
Margaret McMullen30129

The prison authorities were anxious to trace reoffending prisoners, and to facilitate this, the entry for returning prisoners in the registers included a reference to their previous prison number, as well as a running total on the number of sentences they had served. Using these numbers it is possible to follow individual prisoners across several decades of prison sentences. The large number of arrests amassed by some of these women prisoners over the years means one can also create a very basic kind of prison biography for them. These accounts are by necessity deeply reductive and present their lives purely in terms of the interaction with the penal and judicial system, a system which was deeply hostile to these women and the way they lived their lives. However, in the absence of any other sources, they represent the only method of reclaiming their stories from complete oblivion. These tables of reoffending prisoners in Grangegorman were produced in the Inspectors-General of Irish Prisons reports of 1846, 1848, 1850 and 1851. This article will attempt to create a prison biography for the leading reoffenders in each of these tables in an attempt to get a better understanding of the shape of these women’s lives.

On 1 October 1846 the prisoner with the highest number of previous convictions was Anne Kelly or Hollywood. Her prison biography starts with her first sentence in Grangegorman on 28 April 1837 when she was convicted of pawning a stolen cloak for which she received a sentence of 14 days.  She was described as being 5’2½ ” in height, with brown hair and a fair complexion (in the years that followed her complexion was mostly  described as being either ‘sallow’ or ‘swarthy’). She was a Catholic and initially her place of birth was given as Rathmines in Dublin. In her initial sentences her occupation was given as ‘plain worker’ which meant she could perform functional sewing and needlework repairs. However on her seventh admission to Grangegorman on 11 June 1838 when she was charged with ‘breach of the peace’, her occupation is listed as ‘none’.  This may reflect the fact that she was no longer supporting herself as a needle worker. In addition, she is recorded as having no education meaning that she was not able to read or write. Among the most common crimes committed listed for the women prisoners in Grangegorman at this time were disturbing or breaching the peace, along with charges for being ‘disorderly’. ‘Disorderly’ persons would have included women whom a police officer believed were soliciting for the purposes of prostitution which may in part explain the multiple convictions under the heading of ‘disorderly’, ‘breach of the peace’ and ‘disturbing the peace’ in the Grangegorman registers. The 1836 Dublin Police Act gave constables very broad powers to

… apprehend all loose, idle, and disorderly persons whom he shall find disturbing the public peace, or whom he shall have just cause to suspect of any evil designs, and all persons whom he shall find between sunset and the hour of eight in the forenoon lying in any highway, yard, or other place, or loitering therein, and not giving a satisfactory account of themselves’

While Anne Hollywood was charged with being a ‘common night walker’ on 20 November 1844 and 18 April 1845,  charges which explicitly reference prostitution are relatively rare in the Grangegorman registers. On 13 February 1838 Anne Hollywood was sentenced to a month for breaking window glass. It is possible that this was part of an attempt to steal goods from a shop, or alternatively it could have been purely an act of vandalism. It seems to have been a relatively common crime in Dublin at the time, particularly among women.

In 1838 Anne Hollywood also had five convictions for drunkenness with sentences of between 24- to 48-hours. However, in 1839 a separate Registry of Drunkards was established for those arrested for drunkenness and vagrancy. These registers only recorded a prisoner’s name and age, and their sentences were usually just for 24 hours. The total number of convictions listed for Anne Hollywood when she was arrested on 16 January 1839 should have been seventeen, but it dropped down to eleven, perhaps reflecting the fact that convictions for drunkenness were no longer included in a prisoner’s conviction total. A woman of the same age who went by the name Anne Hollywood appears in the drunkenness register a number of times that year. For most of her sentences from this period she is listed as Anne Hollywood, though the spelling of Hollywood varied. However on 28 May 1839 she gave her name as Anne McCue, and on 12 October 1839 she used the name Anne Kelly while serving a 14-day sentence for disturbing the peace. The authorities were well aware that she was the same person regardless of the name she gave, and they linked the sentences served under these pseudonyms to her previous convictions under the Hollywood surname.

Generally the sentences served by the women in Grangegorman were relatively short, sometimes just a few days. One of the longest served by Anne Hollywood was for three months between June and August 1841 for stealing a hat.  Unfortunately the registers from 1842-3 and 1846-8 are missing so it impossible to trace what happened to Anne Hollywood during those years. In addition, severe damage to the 1841 register also makes it difficult to identify every one of her prison sentences in that period. Following a gap in the records caused by the loss of the 1842-3 register, Anne Hollywood’s name appears again on 17 January 1844 serving another two months for assault. She was now on her sixtieth conviction. In 1844 her place of origin is given as Wicklow, not Rathmines.  Anne Hollywood’s sentences often followed on from each other quite quickly, with sometimes just a day between her release and subsequent readmission for a different crime. Looking at her sentences for 1844 alone, she spent approximately nine months as a prisoner in Grangegorman as a result of fourteen different prison sentences.

Anne Hollywood’s Prison Sentences in Grangegorman: 1844

Start DateEnd DateCrimeSentence
17/01/184412/03/1844Assault2 months
13/03/184419/03/1844Breach of the Peace1 week
21/03/184403/04/1844Breaking window glass14 days
04/04/184417/04/1844Breach of the Peace14 days
12/05/184418/05/1844Malicious trespass7 days
24/05/184426/05/1844Disorderly48 hours
27/05/184426/07/1844Assault2 months
27/07/184402/08/1844Breach of the Peace1 week
08/08/184421/08/1844Breach of the Peace14 days
22/08/184421/10/1844Assault2 months
22/10/184404/11/1844Assault14 days
09/11/184415/11/1844Disorderly7 days
20/11/184426/11/1844Common night walker1 week
27/12/184429/12/1844Disorderly3 days

In contrast to earlier years, there seems to have been a noticeable increase in more violent and serious crimes, including four convictions for assault in 1844. This might suggest that Anne Hollywood’s lifestyle was becoming significantly dangerous and chaotic. Her interaction with the judicial and penal systems generally did not merit a mention in the press, but on 24 July 1845, the Freeman’s Journal reported that

‘A girl named Anne Hollywood was charged for having attempted to drown herself. The prisoner was observed leaping over the Liffey-wall by constable 19A who was fortunate enough in coming up and rescuing her in time. She was committed for a month.’

The prison registers corroborate this story and record that Anne Hollywood was held in Grangegorman between 23 July and 22 August on charges of attempted suicide.  She made the pages of the Freeman’s Journal again on 11 January 1847, this time in relation to a charge for breaking eight panes of glass in the premises of a Mr. Ryder on Merchant’s Quay. The article notes that this was her 99th offence in seven years.

Anne Hollywood’s name also appears in the register for Newgate Gaol. The former city gaol was located on Green Street next door to the city court and was used at that time to hold prisoners awaiting trial. In June 1846 Anne Hollywood was held there on charges of stealing a gold watch and chain belonging to a man named John Brennan. As well as her place of origin, the Newgate registers also recorded her current address which she gave as Great Britain (now Parnell) Street. They also noted that she had served 93 previous sentences in Grangegorman. While she was found not guilty on this occasion, she was back in Newgate on 20 June 1848 on charges of vagrancy and breaking the window of a man named Trevor Black. This time her address was given as Church Street. She was found guilty and sentenced to seven years’ transportation and sent to the convict depot of Grangegorman. This depot occupied part of the prison building in Grangegorman, but was run directly by the central government to hold female convicts while they awaited the arrival of the ship which would transport them to Australia. The entry for Anne Hollywood in the Grangegorman Convict Depot from 1 July 1848 recorded that to date she had served sentences for two felonies and 117 misdemeanours in Grangegorman.

Anne Hollywood was among the two hundred convicts, forty-five children and thirteen free settlers who embarked aboard the Lord Auckland on the 4 and 5 October 1848. The diary of the Surgeon Superintendent on the voyage, John Moody, does not mention Anne Hollywood so she presumably had no major health issues on the voyage.  Many of the prisoners had intestinal issues, and there were a number of women whose poor health was attributed to the effects of the Famine. The child of one of the convicts had smallpox and had to be quarantined along with her mother. Moody also inoculated of sixteen of the children against the disease as a result. One of the convicts, a 25-year-old woman named Mary Whelan, was admitted to the ship’s hospital on 17 October. She had eaten little on the voyage and had a large suppurating tumour on her right breast. She was also seven months pregnant and went into labour. She died on 28 October and her baby followed her a few days later. Three of the children, including an infant born on the voyage, also died. Moody’s account gives an insight into the debilitating effect Anne Hollywood’s lifestyle would have had on her health when describing another prisoner, Sarah Devine. She was 50, ten years Anne Hollywood’s senior, but their lives had much in common:

This woman’s appearance indicates irregular and ill-spent life; her aspect is sallow and she looks haggard and a good deal emaciated. Was on the town previous to conviction and like many of her class drank as much gin etc. as she could procure

The Lord Auckland docked in Hobart, Tasmania on 26 January 1848. Moody recorded that in

the last portion of the voyage the Prisoners conducted themselves in a satisfactory manner & they had the credit of being the most orderly, healthy and clean set landed in the colony for many years.

The Australian records give a much more detailed account of Anne Hollywood’s appearance. They give her age as 40 and her height as 5’1 ½” (her height in Dublin was generally recorded at between 5’2” and 5’3”). She is described as having dark hair, brown eyebrows, grey eyes, and an oval face with a high forehead, long nose, wide mouth and round chin. It appears she was also a widow and nearly blind in her left eye. Her trade is given as ‘house maid’ and she was sent directly to the Brickfields Depot where female convicts were hired out to private employers. Her various employers between 1852 and 1855 included the New Norfolk Asylum for the Insane. During this period she had numerous run-ins with the law and served several sentences for drunkenness, being out after hours, insolence, and using obscene and violent language to her master. She was also given permission to marry a man named Michael Barry around this period. The Australian prison records do not seem to record anything else about her fate after this time.

A second table listing the women most frequently recommitted to Grangegorman Female Penitentiary appeared in the Inspectors-General of Irish Prisons Report for 1848, although it was actually based on a visit on 13 February 1849. On this occasion the prisoner with the highest number of sentences to her name was named Sarah Nolan.

Table of Recommittals, 1848

NameAgeFeloniesMisdemeanours
Sarah Nolan35094
Anne Kerr40190
Mary Browne66090
Rose Young43286
Sarah Graham30180
Mary A. Wilson33479
Edith Smith33373
Ellen Mackey37067
Cath. Fitzgerald26063
Anne Walsh34260
Teresa Carroll29151
Eliz. Cunningham28048
Mary A. Williams29041
Eliza Aikens25141
Margt. Fitzsimon27036
Margaret Lawlor27134
Maria Wilson44330
Mary Mulhall33230
Mary Morriss40124
Mary Mulligan28020

Sarah Nolan, or Nowlan, was originally from Delgany in Co. Wicklow and her earliest identifiable conviction was on 21 July 1837 when she was sentenced to 14 days in Grangegorman for breaking property at the age of 24. The register records this as her second conviction. She was 24 years old, 5’3½”,  had dark hair and sallow skin. She could not read or write and her profession was given as ‘bonnet maker’. However, in a similar way to Anne Hollywood, on her tenth conviction when she was charged with drunkenness on 23 April 1838, she was described as having no profession. Her crimes were also similar to those committed by Anne Hollywood with numerous convictions for breaching and disturbing the peace, being disorderly and drunkenness. While it is very possible she was supporting herself by engaging in sex work, there are no explicit references to it in her convictions. She had a number of convictions for theft and from 27 September to 1 October 1847 she was held on remand in Newgate Gaol in Dublin for stealing a handkerchief. Her address at that time was given as Bride Street and the entry in the register notes that she had served 88 sentences in Grangegorman Penitentiary. There are also references to here being in Newgate on two previous occasions in 1839 and 1841. She was released as no bill was produced against her.  She also appears in in the Register of Drunkards on numerous occasions. Her surname is recorded as ‘Nolan’ and ‘Nowlan’ at different times, but she also seems to have used a number of pseudonyms. In February 1838 she used ‘Bridget Nowlane’, in June 1838 and November 1839 she gave ‘Eliza Green’ as her name, in May 1839 she used ‘Eliza Kelly’, in December she was ‘Eliza Ryan, while in three consecutive sentences between 30 July and 23 October 1839 she used ‘Eliza/Elizabeth Nowlan’. Other names used by Sarah Nolan included Catherine Reilly and Mary Hughes. Interestingly, from 4 September 1858 onwards she mostly used the name Mary Burke.  It was under that name that she received her lengthiest sentence when on 1 April 1861 she began a four-year sentence of penal servitude for theft.  This conviction made the papers, the Dublin Daily Express reported that Mary Burke had been sent to trial for pickpocketing 3s 6d from Mr. William White.  According to Tim Carey’s Mountjoy, The Story of A Prison, she served this sentence in the new women’s prison in Mountjoy which had opened in 1858. The now 48-year-old Mary Burke/Sarah Nolan is recorded as being a widow and having served 163 previous sentences.  No record of further prison sentences in Grangegorman appears to exist for her.

Sarah Nolan was also listed on the table of frequently committed prisoners drawn up for the 1850 Inspector-General’s Report. She had amassed 114 sentences at that stage. There were at least seven other women who had previously appeared on either the 1846 or 1848 lists. Anne Carr or Kerr, who had the second highest number of convictions in 1848 and 1850, had also appeared on the 1846 list in which she had the 13th highest with 70  convictions to her name. The prisoner with the highest number of sentences on the 1850 list was Mary Egan who had been imprisoned 121 times according to the table. She had also been listed in 1846 when she was on her 82nd sentence.

Return of the undermentioned persons who have been frequently committed to the above prison, showing their ages, and the number of times they were imprisoned, February 22nd, 1851

NameAgeHow often Imprisoned
Mary Egan47121
Anne Carr41117
Mary A. Humphreys33114
Sarah Nolan37114
Catherine Cooper37112
Emily Browne36106
Mary A. Daly4199
Eliza Holden2894
Anne Caulfield3385
Anne Murray3779
Agnes Dowd2679
Sarah Nugent3177
Ellen McKay3775
Ellen Byrne3575
Catherine McMahon3274
Mary A. Thompson2874
Anne Moffat3373
Mary Lawlor3271
Anne Fannin2670
Catherine Flynn2469
Mary A. Molloy3268
Margaret Keane3568
Emily Hughes2368
Julia Philips3168
Catherine Connor2265
Catherine Kelly3763

While the 1846 list was described as being ‘taken from the number confined in Grangegorman Penitentiary on the 1st October, 1846’,  the 1850 list does not seem to have been just drawn from just those prisoners present in the prison on the day the Inspector-General visited on 22 February 1851. Based on the registers, Mary Egan had not been in Grangegorman since 18 November 1850 when she was released having served a month on a charge of being disorderly.  It seems she was not back in Grangegorman again until 25 March 1851 when she served a 24-hour sentence for drunkenness. Based on the information recorded about her, she was a Catholic from Longford, 5’1”, with brown hair and sallow skin. The earliest surviving entry for her in the Grangegorman registers was from 13 August 1841 when she was sentenced to 14 days in prison for disturbing the peace.  This would appear to have been her sixth sentence, but there do not appear to be entries for her earlier offences. Although she is recorded as being 47 years old in the table compiled in 1851, there is some inconsistency in the ages given for her in the registers. When she served a month for breaching the peace on 24 November 1845 her age was given as 33. She was released on 21 December, but was back the following day for a 14-day sentence on a similar charge and her age was recorded as 38 years old.  No explanation was given for this five-year jump in age. Like Anne Hollywood and Sarah Nolan, Mary Egan amassed her high number of prison sentences largely through convictions for breaching and disturbing the peace, as well as charges for being disorderly. The last sentence recorded for her was on 17 November 1851 when she served a month for being disorderly. According to the register, this was her 125th sentence.  A woman with the same name and age also appeared fairly regularly in the Grangegorman Register of Drunkards during this period, the final instance being on 30 March 1852 when Mary Egan was given a 24-hour sentence and one shilling fine.  After that date, there do not appear to be any further entries for her.

A final list of frequent reoffenders appeared in the 1851 Inspectors-General Report which this time was headed by a 35-year-old woman named Julia Quinn.

Return of the undernamed persons who were in custody on the 15th of January, 1852 and the number of times they have been imprisoned.

NameAgeHow often Imprisoned
Julia Quinn35113
Catherine Cooper38112
Maria Thompson3695
Eliza Casey3586
Sarah Nugent3286
Emily Hughes2481
Eliza Stewart3277
Mary Lawlor3373
Margaret Kane3871
Mary Fitzpatrick2965
Anne Hanley2562
Margaret Fitzsimon3050
Jane Hamilton3646
Ellen Butler2445
Bridget Egan5942
Anne Daley2940
Anne Murphy4039
Jane Kiernan2436
Eliza Thompson2535
Anne Ryan2633
Margaret Farrell2431
Mary Byrne2130
Sarah Irwin3629
Maria Quigley3026
Alice Nowlan2825

Julia Quinn had also appeared in the 1846 list of reoffenders and had served prison sentences for 76 misdemeanours  and one felony. She originally hailed from Baltinglass in Co. Wicklow, and when first imprisoned on 23 February 1838 she gave her name as Julia Wall, a name she never seems to have used again. She was described as a ‘dressmaker’, though from her second sentence onwards she was described as having no trade. She was Catholic, approximately 5’4” tall, with a fair complexion and brown hair. She could read but not write. Her criminal career followed the pattern of the other frequent reoffenders with the usual mix of convictions for being disorderly, breaching the peace and drunkenness. An entry in the Newgate Gaol Register in 1848 reveals that at that time she was resident in Off Lane, now known as Moore Lane. She was tried along with two other women, also resident in Off Lane, for the felony of a gold watch and handkerchief, the property of John Branagan. The other women were Dorah Mathews, a 28-year-old from Tyrellspass in Westmeath and Teresa Carroll, an 18-year-old potter who originally came from Burslem in Staffordshire. The other two women also gave their address as Off Lane. They were found not guilty.  Based on the number sentences she received for breach of the peace, drunkenness and assault it would seem that, like the other women referenced in this article, Julia Quinn’s life may well have been quite chaotic and at times violent. On 13 June 1851 she served two months in Grangegorman for attempted suicide. Her 113th sentence, which placed her at the top of the list of reoffending prisoners in the 1851 report, was for two months which she served between 16 December 1851 and 9 February 1852. She was convicted for the illegal possession of a shirt, dress and boots. It would seem she stole these items with the assistance of two other women: Caroline Massey, a 24-year-old woman originally from Bandon, Co. Cork, and Sophia Henderson, a 27-year-old from Moore Street, Dublin. All three women appeared one after another in the Grangegorman register. The last significant sentence recorded for Julia Quinn was for assault for which she served one month in June 1853. She may also have served a number of 24-hour sentences for drunkenness at this time, the last one being in May 1854, but there appear to be no further entries for her beyond this date.

Like the other women, Julia Quinn simply disappears from the prison record and we have no idea what happened to her after 1854. Her story highlights once again the limitations of the prison archive when it comes to creating any kind of meaningful biography for the women who were imprisoned in Grangegorman Penitentiary in the mid-nineteenth century. At best they give a crude sense of the shape of their lives for a few decades. The 1851 Inspectors-General Report was the last to include a table of the most common reoffenders in Grangegorman. While recidivism remained a major feature of female imprisonment in Ireland in the nineteenth century, as the 1850s progressed, the numbers in Grangegorman began to fall as Ireland recovered from the effects of the Famine and the Irish economy improved. The Famine resulted in a dramatic fall in the Irish population and in particular those from the poorer classes. This decline was further exacerbated by high levels of emigration which continued well into the twentieth century. Other factors, such as the establishment of female refuges and asylums by Catholic religious orders, also had a direct effect of the numbers of women in Irish prisons in the second half of the century. It was this decline in prisoner numbers which ultimately led to the closure of Grangegorman and many other and many other Irish prisons in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Image credit: Forty-third Inspectors-General of Irish Prisons Report, 1864.

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Fortune: Elon Musk’s SpaceX IPO filing … hints not to be ignored

Elon Musk’s SpaceX IPO filing just told us what business he’s betting on for the future—and it’s not rockets

Shawn Tully

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Shawn Tully

Senior Editor-at-Large

May 23, 2026, 4:00 AM ET

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Elon Musk gives a tour to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump and lawmakers of the control room before the launch of the sixth test flight of the SpaceX Starship rocket on November 19, 2024 in Brownsville, Texas.

Elon Musk gives a tour to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump and lawmakers of the control room before the launch of the sixth test flight of the SpaceX Starship rocket on November 19, 2024 in Brownsville, Texas.Brandon Bell/Getty Images

It’s no surprise that the SpaceX offering statement, filed the evening of May 20, shows that as of today, the rocket, satellite and AI enterprise sports tiny revenues and books large losses. That its market cap following the IPO slated for mid-June’s expected to hit $1.5 trillion or more highlights that its fans are basing their overwhelming optimism almost exclusively on great things to come. But a careful reading of the S-1 reveals substantial barriers in the path to achieving the sorcerous performance required to reward shareholders who flock to the most anticipated debut ever seen.

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The reason isn’t simply that SpaceX will be fighting the law of large numbers by starting life as a public company as an extremely expensive stock. Put simply, as the prospectus highlights, Elon Musk’s creation has essentially re-invented itself from a commercial space pioneer facing relatively mild competition, to an AI-centric player that’s vying for the same dollars and customers, as the hyperscaler crowd led by MicrosoftGoogle, OpenAI, CoreWeave, and sundry smaller but still formidable participants.

To win in that crowded and hot sector, SpaceX will need to go super-big on capex for data centers and R&D that hatches fresh enterprise products. As the prospectus displays, those already-huge expenditures are now accelerating, and they’ll keep ramping over the next few years. Yet garnering major profits from AI may take a lot longer. The S-1 makes that point as well. The original space businesses could prove highly successful, but it’s likely not big enough to do most of the work. It’s clear that Musk’s ambitions, and the investors’ hopes as reflected in the valuation, are heavily tilted to a knockout performance in AI.

To handicap SpaceX’s prospects, it’s crucial to ignore the Wall Street buzz and Musk hype about colonies on the moon and examine, via the prospectus, how much money SpaceX now pours into fashioning the AI franchise, and what it’s reaping from the space ventures to support it.

An excellent new report from David Trainer, CEO of financial research firm New Constructs, identifies several weaknesses threaten SpaceX’s prospects. They include a lopsided governance structure where the funds and individual will own almost 60% of shares but get almost no voting power. Instead, Elon Musk will exercise virtually total control; the founder and CEO can’t be removed from office by a shareholder vote and is free to name a board dominated by insiders. (This reporter addressed these issues in a previous story https://fortune.com/2026/05/22/space-x-stock-ipo-price-elon-musk-shareholders/.) Trainer also notes that SpaceX will make its public debut as the most unprofitable company in all of its main businesses.

Another red flag: Trainer dug into the S-1 to find that the lion’s share of the projected IPO proceeds is already spoken for. So the question arise, where will all this money needed for capex come from? The potential share issuance and borrowing needed to fund the AI march could prove a big negative for investors.

Of the two non-AI sectors, rockets are spouting losses while the satellite side’s thriving

As the S-1 shows, SpaceX stands on three main legs, Space, Connectivity and AI. All told, the consolidated enterprise posted $18.7 billion revenue and booked an operating loss of $2.6 billion. AI is the biggest drag, highlighting the challenge ahead. Space comprises the rocket lineup that the company manufactures in-house, and deploys to launch its own satellites. It also sells rockets to NASA and performs launches as a contractor for the agency, as well as hosting special orbital trips for high-paying VIPs.

By contrast, the Connectivity segment’s a big money-spinner that boasts an outstanding runway. It’s SpaceX’s only profitable franchise, and accounts for almost two-thirds of total sales. The Starlink segment runs a galaxy of 9,600 satellites, three-quarters of the total fleet in orbit. Over ten-million users pay subscriptions for mobile and broadband service. The business is well protected, since it’s far the biggest global purveyor in commercial satellites, and the gigantic investment and tech wizardry needed to challenge its dominance provides a deep moat. It’s also annuity-style steady source of cash flow.

In the 12 months ended in Q1, Starlink doubled its roster of subscribers to reach that 10 million mark. The downside: The new customers it’s adding are getting less profitable. Its revenue per sub, a key metric, has fallen from $99 in 2023 to $66 in Q1 of this year. As a result, revenue growth lagged, rising 50% in 2025 vs last year to $11.4 billion. So far, the segment’s extremely profitable, returning $4.4 billion in operating income last year for a margin of 30%. Still, it’s facing strong pricing competition from terrestrial networks, operated by everyone from T-Mobile to Google Fiber that users often find more reliable than satellite service. The overriding issue: Connectivity’s subscription machine, even if it keeps growing fast, isn’t nearly big enough to drive the kind of revenues and profits SpaceX will need to reward shareholders, or to pay for its AI ambitions.

A big concern for shareholders: The IPO proceeds won’t be available from funding most of its AI capex. So where will the the tens of billions a year come from?

Instead, that burden falls to AI. It’s just recently that SpaceX recast itself as a giant in the hottest tech arena of this century. The shift came in February, when it merged with Musk-controlled xAI, a combo that reportedly boosted SpaceX’s private valuation by $250 billion. AI’s also responsible for the lion’s share of the deficits: In the past five quarters, it’s collected $4 billion in revenues and absorbed over twice that amount, $8.9 billion, in operating losses.

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As Trainer observes, the hit from Space, and especially AI–despite Starlink’s success––place SpaceX as a whole dead last among all of its peers in broadband and mobile and in AI, measured by both profitability and return on invested capital. It scored -7% and -3% respectively in those categories last year, far behind Comcast (12% and 6%), AT&T (17% and 4%), Amazon (11% and 14%), and even CoreWeave (10% and 1%).

That company-wide deficit in profitability could potentially raises questions about how it will fund its gigantic requirement for the capex required to deliver on its promise to make its AI side a supreme winner.

SpaceX is rapidly expanding its portfolio of data centers newly acquired from xAI. The flagships are the aptly-named Colossus I and II facilities in Memphis covering a total of 2 million square feet. It’s also spending $20 billion on a new hyper-scale center in Mississippi. Since the start of 2025, the AI segment has lavished $20.4 billion on expanding its infrastructure footprint, two-thirds of the SpaceX’s total capex over that span. In Q1, the prized segment’s buildout bill came to a staggering $7.7 billion. Last year, AI absorbed the equivalent of 60% of SpaceX’s overall R&D outlays, and the unit’s number for Q1 $3.5 billion, twice the dollars spent a year ago.

The math suggests that Musk is marshaling his genius for hype, as well as legendary reputation as a visionary, to conjure a highly-overvalued stock. Hence, the IPO’s generated such seldom-seen excitement that it’s expected to raise $80 billion, yet that immense inflow will require SpaceX to sell only around 5% of its shares. It would appear, then, that SpaceX’s will amass an initial war chest from sizable enough to fund a few years of AI investment on its down.

But as Trainer spotlights, that’s not the case. As he points out, SpaceX has pre-pledged $62.8 billion, 78% of the expected proceeds, for payments to third parties. Almost exactly one-third each will go to Valor Equity Partners, a major early investor, Musk’s X Corp. and xAI creditors holders for repayment of debt, and Echostar for the “Spectrum Acquisition Closing.” That leaves less than $18 billion to devote towards growing SpaceX, principally by financing the promised explosion in AI compute capacity. Keep in mind that the AI area devoured more than amount just in the past five quarters.

The problem: $18 billion won’t last long, given the escalation in the AI spend, not just on capex, but operating expenses and R&D. It’s clear from the S-1 that the free cash flow from the rest of the company can fund just a piddling portion of what’s needed. By Fortune‘s estimate, the rest of SpaceX outside of AI last year generated just $1 billion free cash flow that could potentially support what Musk sees as its principal engine. The prospectus also talks about floating more shares and issuing debt to keep data center build rushing forward. But those moves will cost shareholders in dilution and rising interest expense.

Perhaps the most important statement in the entire, roughly 400 page document comes on page 53, where SpaceX details the immense expense and long timeline needed to mine the super-rich AI lode. The prospectus states, “We expect to allocate substantial capital to expand our compute infrastructure, and we expect a multi-year investment horizon before these deployments translate into sustained positive AI Segment Adjusted EBITDA. During this investment period, our capital expenditures will scale as quickly.” Keep in mind that’s “scaling up” from capex that in Q1 alone, reached a towering $7.7 billion.

The effusive document also reveals how heavily SpaceX is leaning on its new AI arm to achieve the explosive growth in revenues and profits needed to reward investors buying in at a $1. 5 trillion valuation. Page 11 displays one of the S-1 chief set-pieces, a chart showing the total addressable markets for each of its three segments. SpaceX projects its total TAM at a staggering $28.5 trillion. The corker: Of that total, AI accounts for $26.5 trillion or 93%. As Trainer writes, “Large TAMs provide strong growth potential. They also invite competition.” SpaceX is moving from relying on a satellite business it dominates to a field that’s lured a pantheon of the world’s most successful enterprises, from Microsoft to Google. The pie will expand fast, but sundry rivals will be vying for the pieces––a scenario that’s sure to pressure prices and margins.

Trainer’s a master of using discount models to forecast how much companies must earn in the future to justify huge market caps today. His analysis posits that to deliver decent returns to shareholders at a $1.5 trillion valuation, SpaceX would need to be booking $189 billion in annual profits by 2035. At $1.75 trillion, the bogey rises to $245 billion. For 2025, no U.S. company came close to even the lower number. As Trainer avows, Musk is counting on “Out of this World Profits” to ring the bell. And keep in mind, SpaceX is debuting as an enterprise that’s in the red.

If investors should focus on one item in the S-1, it’s not the gauzy stuff about solar powered data centers in orbit, but Musk’s frank admission that making money in AI will cost a ton and take a long time. Folks and funds may be right to back him. But though the spirits over the most eagerly awaited IPO are super-high, the risks are just as big.

The Fortune 500 Innovation Forum will convene Fortune 500 executives, U.S. policy officials, top founders, and thought leaders to help define what’s next for the American economy, Nov. 16-17 in Detroit. Apply here.

About the Author

By Shawn TullySenior Editor-at-Large

Shawn Tully is a senior editor-at-large at Fortune, covering the biggest trends in business, aviation, politics, and leadership.

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The Harvard Gazette: Stress and the Gut

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When stress is a punch to the gut

Human body, digestive system, anatomy.

Jacqueline Mitchell

BIDMC Communications

May 19, 2026 3 min read

New study traces network of nerves that disrupt digestion, pointing to potential IBS treatment

When stress affects the gut, the stomach tightens, digestion slows. For some, these symptoms resolve quickly. For others — particularly people with constipation-predominant irritable bowel syndrome (IBS-C) and related conditions — they don’t.

In a new study, investigators at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center (BIDMC) show how stress hormones directly interfere with gut function, slowing digestion through a newly defined pathway. In preclinical models, the findings point toward a potential way to treat stress-associated constipation.

Led by corresponding author Subhash Kulkarni, Harvard Medical School assistant professor of medicine and principal investigator in the Division of Gastroenterology at BIDMC, the study’s findings are published in the Journal of Biological Chemistry.

The researchers’ work centers on the enteric nervous system (ENS), often called the “second brain” of the gastrointestinal tract. This network of nerves in the gut controls how food moves through the digestive system, and can coordinate digestion on its own, without input from the brain or spinal cord. However, the ENS is connected to the rest of the nervous system and does receive signals from the outside world, meaning the stressors big and small can override its normal functions.

Scientists already knew that stress hormones can disrupt ENS signaling and had demonstrated a disrupted signaling pathway in patients with irritable bowel syndrome (IBS). What was not clear was exactly how that disruption happens or whether it could be reversed. In the new study, the researchers show exactly how stress interferes with the pathway and demonstrate that restoring it improves gut function in preclinical models, identifying it as a promising target for new IBS treatments.

Specifically, Kulkarni and colleagues found that stress hormones suppress the gut’s cell-to-cell communication, leaving GI movement slowed and increasing the risk of persistent constipation. The team traced this breakdown to a specific chemical signaling pathway in the gut — involving a molecule called BDNF and its receptor, TrkB — that helps keep digestion responsive.

When the researchers activated this pathway using a compound that stimulates the TrkB receptor, they were able to restore normal gut movement in experimental models of stress.

“This study identifies both the basic biology for why stress slows down your gut and creates a platform through which novel therapeutics can be generated and tested for treating stress-associated constipation,” said Srinivas N. Puttapaka, an HMS research fellow in medicine at Beth Israel Deaconess, who led the study with co-lead author Jared Slosberg, a doctoral candidate at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine.

“By pinpointing how stress disrupts this pathway and showing that its function can be restored, we’ve identified a clear and actionable target for developing new treatments for IBS,” said Puttapaka.


This work was funded in part by the National Institute on Aging; a Pilot grant from the Harvard Digestive Disease Core to Subhash Kulkarni; the Walter Benjamin Fellowship the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft to Philippa Seika; Diacomp Foundation; with additional support from Harvard Catalyst and the National Institutes of Health.

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The Conversation: “Thanks to the Walt Disney Company, Pocahontas may be the most famous Native American who lived in the 17th century.”

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Thanks to the Walt Disney Company, Pocahontas may be the most famous Native American who lived in the 17th century. The animated film version of her early life included her speaking with a willow tree, befriending animals, singing about “the colors of the wind,” and being caught up in an ill-fated romance with Captain John Smith.

The 1995 film created an enduring visual image of Pocahontas, and contained some details drawn from the historical record, though plenty is pure fiction. Smith was, in fact, one of the English colonists who arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, soon after its founding in 1607. Pocahontas’ father Wahunsonacock – whom colonists and Disney called Powhatan – was the paramount chief of the Powhatans, who lived in communities along the edges of Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries.

Only one portrait of Pocahontas from her lifetime exists – a sharp contrast with the Disney-drawn image most Americans know. And it speaks volumes about how the English saw colonization.

Powerful family

As I describe in my 2026 book, “Contested Continent: The Struggle for North America, c. 1000 to 1680,” Wahunsonacock was the most consequential political figure in early Virginia, the land Powhatans knew as Tsenacommacah. Through personal alliances and shrewd stratagems, he controlled perhaps 30 communities along the shores of Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries.

A black and white illustration shows a man in a feather headdress sitting on a platform above a seated crowd.
An engraving of Wahunsonacock by William Hole appeared on a map John Smith created of Virginia. Virtual Jamestown/Wikimedia Commons

Pocahontas, also known as Matoaka and Amonute, was probably about 10 or 11 years old when she encountered Smith in late 1607. At that moment he was a captive of her father, who, Smith later wrote, was about to have him killed. Though scholars believe Wahunsonacock was likely putting Smith through a ritual adoption, the colonist claimed Pocahontas saved his life.

In 1613, the English took Pocahontas captive during a conflict known as the first Anglo-Powhatan War. After obtaining his daughter’s freedom in 1614, Wahunsonacock approved her marriage to John Rolfe, who played a leading role the colony’s tobacco economy, and she converted to Christianity. Sometime between 1615 and 1617 she gave birth to their son, Thomas.

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Pocahontas in England

Two years after the marriage, Pocahontas and Rolfe sailed to England, where she played a leading role in her father’s diplomatic mission.

During her stay in London, which included meeting King James I, Pocahontas sat for a portrait by the artist Simon van de Passe. Her clothing and pose echoed portraits of other elite English women of the era. The image emphasizes her tall stovepipe hat, ample lace collar, a dress with detailed embroidery or brocade, and a pearl earring dangling from her left ear.

A black and white engraving of a woman with a serious expression, wearing an ornately embroidered gown.
Simon van de Passe’s 1616 engraving of Pocahontas is the only known portrait made during her lifetime. National Portrait Gallery/Wikimedia Commons

In addition to her English clothing, Pocahontas holds a quill pen, suggesting that she had learned to write. Since Europeans considered literacy a crucial marker of civilization, the engraving highlights English hopes that Indigenous Americans could rapidly embrace the colonists’ culture.

Power of art

The engraving of Pocahontas was not the first image of Native peoples of the mid-Atlantic coastline circulating in England. Illustrations in one widely reprinted book played a crucial role in convincing the English to establish settlements in North America.

In the late 16th century, advocates of English colonization understood that descriptions of North America could make foreign territory more enticing to potential migrants. They wanted to demonstrate to English men and women that they could create profitable economies and coexist with Native peoples.

An ornate title page looks like a stone monument, with figures with colored clothing positioned around it.
The title page of the 1590 edition of Theodor de Bry’s ‘A Briefe and True Report of the Newfound Land of Virginia.’ Livinncary/Wikimedia CommonsCC BY-SA

Some promoters recognized that watercolor images painted in 1585 by the artist John White depicting the Carolina Algonquians of the Outer Banks could perhaps generate interest – and investments. The promoters, who had ties to leading figures in the English court as well as to printers, also saw the benefits of an in-depth study of the region by the young English mathematician and writer Thomas Harriot,A Briefe and True Report of the Newfound Land of Virginia.” In 1590, the promoters worked with the Flemish printer Theodor de Bry to produce an illustrated version, which contained engravings based on White’s paintings.

The volume described Carolina Algonquians’ practices and enumerated commodities that could be extracted for profit. Some of the Native Americans depicted in these pages are clad with only a deerskin loincloth. Some of the women wear skirts but not tops.

To Europeans bred on the idea that clothing an entire body was a marker of civilization, these Alqonquians’ appearance was significant. People who colonizers considered “savages” were often depicted nude, like the Tainos whom Christopher Columbus encountered a century earlier. English men and women reading the book about the Algonquians, on the other hand, saw them as a people who would, under the right tutelage, adopt English-style culture – including Protestant Christianity.

“Some religion they have alreadie,” Harriot wrote in “A Briefe and True Report,” “which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may been the easier and sooner reformed.”

To make the point that Native Americans could be converted to European culture, the engravers added depictions of ancient Britons, allegedly based on an old chronicle. Three of these images of Picts depicted them as nude, bearing tattoos more extensive than the Algonquians’. These individuals are also portrayed as more violent: A Pict man holds a head still dripping blood, with another head at his feet, while a Pict woman brandishes spears and a broadsword.

Reality check

When Pocahontas sat for Van de Passe, his portrait did more than create a resemblance of the young woman, who would die the following year, soon after leaving London – felled either by disease or, as a Virginia tribe’s oral history suggests, poison.

Like the images popularized by Harriot’s book, her portrait suggested that Native Americans would soon embrace English ways. Pocahontas herself, as the words on the engraving noted, had become Rebecca Rolfe after her marriage. In his writings, her husband celebrated her conversion to the Anglican faith. The proof of the model of cultural conversion seemed to be on plain view in the portrait.

Pocahontas’ father died in 1618. Four years later, the Powhatans launched a rebellion against English colonists. On March 22, 1622, under the direction of a war captain named Opechancanough, they killed approximately one-fourth of the colonists in Virginia. The English labeled the violence a “barbarous massacre” and launched a war of vengeance, which included a mass poisoning of Powhatans in 1623 – an action that the English at the time knew violated the emerging law of war.

Seeing Pocahontas poised on a chair, wearing an elegant hat and holding a quill pen, the English had assumed that Native Americans would embrace the colonizers’ ways. March 1622 proved them wrong.

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  1. Peter C. MancallDistinguished Professor and Andrew W. Mellon Professor of the Humanities, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

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Peter C. Mancall has received funding from the Huntington Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the Mellon Foundation.

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Do you endlessly scroll … this is a must read

Why Your Brain Can’t Stop Scrolling — And What It’s Doing to Your Focus, Sleep, and Motivation

4 min read

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Is your brain working against you?

Take a short quiz to see if dopamine dysregulation could be the reason — and what might help.

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When focus disappears, tasks pile up, and your phone wins every time — it’s easy to start blaming yourself. But sometimes it’s not about discipline or character. It’s about how your brain’s reward system works.

“Addiction is a progressive narrowing of the things that bring you pleasure”

Dr. Andrew Huberman, Stanford

Your brain isn’t lazy — it’s been rewired

“The brain becomes less responsive to natural rewards and increasingly driven by the search for fast stimulation. This creates a feedback loop that makes sustained focus feel impossible — not because the person is unmotivated, but because their reward system has been quietly recalibrated.”

Behavioral neuroscience research

Dopamine governs motivation, anticipation, and effort — not just pleasure. It’s what makes you want to start a task, stay engaged, and feel satisfied when you finish.

Every notification, every scroll, every quick hit of content delivers a small dopamine signal. Over time, the brain adapts. It starts to need more stimulation to feel anything — and less stimulating activities, like deep work or meaningful conversation, start to feel almost unreachable.

Because of this, people with dopamine dysregulation find it harder to:

  • Start a task even when they know it’s important
  • Maintain focus on one thing for more than a few minutes
  • Feel genuine satisfaction from completing work
  • Resist impulsive decisions or sudden distractions

And the good news is — there are effective, research-backed ways to support your brain and take back control

What works in dopamine management?

Help isn’t limited to cutting screen time or being more disciplined. It’s a combination of strategies that address the root cause — and fit into real life. Here are the key approaches:

  • Identify your stimulation triggers: Not all dopamine drains are obvious. For some it’s social media. For others it’s task-switching, overthinking, or low-grade decision fatigue. Knowing your specific pattern is the starting point
  • CBT (Cognitive Behavioral Therapy): Helps rewrite automatic thought loops and build realistic, achievable plans.
  • Coaching and behavior tracking: Working with a coach or using apps like. Liven allows you to:
    • Gradually recalibrate reward sensitivity
    • Notice and interrupt distraction triggers
    • Track mood, energy, and task patterns
  • Sleep and energy support: Dopamine regulation and sleep quality are tightly linked.e.g., Even mild sleep deprivation measurably reduces motivation and increases impulsive behavior the next day.

But what if I’ve tried to change before?

Most people have. And most people find that generic advice — use your phone less, just be more disciplined — doesn’t move the needle.

That’s because these approaches don’t account for the specific way your reward system has been shaped. What’s worked for someone else may be completely wrong for your pattern.

For example, common signs the pattern runs deeper:

  • Regular burnout even without obvious overwork
  • Several unfinished projects running simultaneously
  • Frequent loss of interest in things you used to enjoy
  • Constant feeling of being behind or out of sync

And they don’t realize there’s a common root cause — and that it can be addressed.

“Most adults experiencing these patterns have no idea they’re connected — or that they share a common root cause”

Behavioral neuroscience research

Dopamine dysregulation is not a sentence. It’s a signal.

It’s not a character flaw. It’s a feedback loop — and feedback loops can be changed.

The same plasticity that allowed the brain to drift toward overstimulation also allows it to recover. Targeted, consistent behavioral change — not extreme detoxes or willpower sprints — can meaningfully shift how your brain responds to stimulation over time.

The starting point isn’t effort. It’s understanding your specific pattern.

  • Regular burnout even without obvious overwork
  • Several unfinished projects running simultaneously
  • Frequent loss of interest in things you used to enjoy
  • Constant feeling of being behind or out of sync

And they don’t realize there’s a common root cause — and that it can be addressed.

“Having a dopamine-overloaded brain is like driving with the accelerator stuck — until you understand the mechanism, you can’t fix it. But once you do, everything changes.”

Behavioral neuroscience research

Each brain has its own stimulation profile — and it’s not the same for everyone. But that doesn’t mean it’s unfixable.

With the right tools, you can:

  • Build focus instead of fighting distraction
  • Rebuild motivation without relying on willpower
  • Create daily structure that actually works for your brain

It’s not about fixing yourself. It’s about understanding how your brain works — and working with it.

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Want to understand your brain better?

Take our Dopamine Management Assessment. Find out if overstimulation is affecting your focus — and which tools are most likely to help you.

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The Conversation: Losing weight : An obesity doctor gives some insight

How does your body lose weight? An obesity doctor explains why one size doesn’t fit all in weight loss

Published: May 22, 2026 1.43pm BST

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For decades, people have been told that their weight problems can be solved by math: Calories in, calories out. If weight were a simple math equation, more people would likely be the weight they desire. But it is much more complicated.

There are several theories as to why it is difficult to lose weight. Some focus on genetics and metabolism while others claim environmental and social factors are more important. But which of these theories is correct, if any? Are people destined to be the weight their genetics, metabolism or environment dictate?

I am a diabetologist and physician specializing in obesity medicine. Understanding what’s known and uncertain about these theories can help you potentially overcome your own biology to change your weight.

Set point weight

The concept of set point weight has been around since the 1950s. It suggests that the body has a regulatory system that defends a predetermined level of adipose tissue – commonly called fat – it maintains by changing hunger cues and energy expenditure. That predetermined fat level is governed by genetics, physiology and environmental factors.

This idea is supported by observations that after weight loss, appetite is increased and energy expenditure decreased until weight is restored. In theory, this process prevents the body from starving, even with significant weight loss. One study found that hormones that cause hunger remain elevated and hormones that promote fullness are suppressed for at least 62 weeks after weight loss, and even after regaining weight.

A related concept called metabolic adaptation seems to influence energy balance, although the evidence for this effect in people is less clear. This process refers to a reduction in energy expenditure beyond what is predicted by changes in body composition. In other words, as you lose weight, you burn fewer calories than expected for someone at that same weight who has not undergone recent weight loss.

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Three diagrams depicting how body fat levels send signals to the brain to either increase or decrease energy intake and expenditure, which in turn shapes energy balance
The set point weight model posits that the body has a predetermined level of fat that it works to maintain. When fat levels are at that set point (A), energy intake and expenditure is held in balance. When fat levels exceed that set point (B), the brain sends signals to reduce energy intake and increase expenditure. Conversely, when fat levels fall short of that set point, the brain sends signals to increase energy intake and decrease expenditure. Speakman et al./Disease Models and MechanismsCC BY-NC-SA

Metabolic adaptation manifests as an increase in appetite and a decrease in resting metabolic rate, which is the energy you burn to sustain background processes such as heartbeat, temperature regulation, respiration and digestion, even if you lie in bed all day. In metabolic adaptation, resting metabolic rate decreases after approximately 5% weight loss. The energy burned from exercise decreases after around 10% weight loss.

This means that as a person loses weight, the amount of energy used for the background processes to stay alive decreases. Furthermore, a person must increase exercise as they lose weight to see continued weight loss. So the more weight a person loses, the harder it is to lose more.

This decrease in energy expenditure may persist for years after weight loss, as was seen in a study of participants in the TV show “The Biggest Loser.” However, some studies have found metabolic adaptation to not be as significant as once thought.

There are several strategies to overcome set point weight and the metabolic adaptation expected with weight loss. Bariatric surgery – a procedure for weight loss – appears to alter set point weight, reducing hunger without decreasing energy expenditure and patients rarely become underweight. GLP-1 and similar medications may not affect metabolic adaptation while reducing weight. Nutritional strategies include increased protein intake, decreasing glycemic load and increasing high-fiber foods, although evidence for the effectiveness of these tactics varies.

Set point suggests your body has one set weight it likes to stick at and will adjust your metabolism and appetite in order to move you toward and keep you at it.

Settling point model

An alternative theory to set point weight is called settling point. This model proposes that weight regulation occurs through passive feedback without biological control. Rather than the body actively controlling weight through changes in hormones, this theory suggests that body weight is a result of your habits and surroundings.

Three diagrams of a lake filling with rain and water flowing out in varying volumes, followed by a diagram depicting how energy input influences body energy stores, which is mutually influenced by energy expenditure
The settling point model can be thought of as rain – or energy – falling down hills into a lake (A), where the volume of water flowing out of the lake is determined by the amount of water flowing into it. Increased rainfall results in increased water flowing out of the lake (B), and vice versa (C). Speakman et al./Disease Models and MechanismsCC BY-NC-SA

The settling point is defined as where body weight stabilizes because energy intake equals energy expenditure. This is determined by the physical and metabolic costs of maintaining body mass. People with more body mass expend more energy due to the increased energy needed to move and maintain a larger body. Therefore, people living in a larger body would have larger food intake needs.

Settling point may sound like the old “calories in, calories out” model, but it also considers environmental and societal influences. Think of it as an open window. The room may warm from the sunlight during the day, then cool down overnight. Over time, the room will tend to hover around the same temperature. The temperature isn’t fixed but will naturally settle based on the weather, insulation and airflow. It may be colder in the winter and warmer in the summer.

Now let’s apply this concept to a person. If you have a job where you are on your feet all day and eat home-cooked foods most of the time, your weight might be stable. If you switch to a desk job and start eating more calorie-dense foods and larger portions, your weight may increase until it becomes stable again. In both scenarios, your weight eventually stabilizes at different settling points based on your current set of circumstances.

However, the settling points theory fails to explain biological and genetic aspects of weight.

Dual intervention point model

The dual intervention point model integrates both set point weight and settling point. This theory proposes an upper and lower threshold that define the boundaries of each person’s “acceptable” body weight, called the zone of indifference. The lower threshold is the point where starvation is prevented while maintaining all biological and metabolic needs.

Within the zone of indifference, settling point concepts prevail: The body will adapt to energy and environment. But when body weight falls below the lower threshold, it triggers physiological mechanisms to defend against further weight loss and prevent starvation. The body’s hormonal systems increase appetite and reduce energy expenditure.

Line graph depicting body weight or body fatness (y axis) over time (x axis)
The dual intervention point model posits that environmental and social conditions drive the body towards weight loss (A) or weight gain (B) to stay in a zone of indifference. Reaching the upper threshold of the zone (C) leads the body to resist further weight gain until that pressure lets up, leading to weight loss (D). The body will similarly resist further weight loss at the lower threshold. Speakman et al./Disease Models and MechanismsCC BY-NC-SA

When body weight rises above the upper threshold, biological mechanisms should theoretically engage to prevent further weight gain. Researchers have documented this process in numerous studies in animals, hypothesizing that this is most likely due to the increased risk of predation from weight gain. Animals with more fat are targeted or can’t get away from predators. However, this process isn’t always seen in people and there is weaker evidence supporting it.

The dual intervention point model also suggests that the zone of indifference varies widely between individuals. This would account for why some people maintain a relatively stable weight and others have greater variation over time. Some may recognize this as the old struggle of “losing the same 10 pounds over and over again.”

Additionally, the drifty gene hypothesis proposes that the upper threshold for the body to intervene has gradually drifted upward as people moved into safer, more stable environments. The evolutionary pressure to maintain a lean physique for survival, such as avoiding predators like a hungry lion, has largely disappeared.

Which theory holds the most weight?

So which theory of body weight regulation is correct? The answer is none of them fits real world experiences exactly. But there seems be to a difference between how your metabolism responds to active weight loss compared to weight maintenance, so how to approach each goal may be different.

Decreasing food intake seems to be the most beneficial for attaining weight loss. Conversely, exercise seems to be key for weight maintenance.

Overall, the big takeaway is that weight balance is complex. It isn’t a simple math problem to solve. Adequate medical care for overweight and obesity encompasses nutrition, exercise, sleep, stress and other factors that influence weight. Changes in these factors can be combined with medication or surgery to achieve a sustained reduction in weight.

Weight loss is often not linear, and plateaus are expected. Each case is individual, and one size – or theory – does not fit all.

Author

  1. Kim Pfotenhauer Assistant Dean for Clerkship Education and Assistant Professor of Osteopathic Medicine, Michigan State University

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Kim Pfotenhauer is a consultant for Novo Nordisk and on an advisory board for Boehringer Ingelheim.

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DOI

https://doi.org/10.64628/AAI.qkpu6qk7y

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