Senior Health: Over 65: 8 Subcortical Vascular Dementia Signs. Comment: TBI and cognisence amnesia. The warning signs for an over 65: 8 Subcortical Vascular Dementia Signs. These points are very similar to TBI

Dec 31, 2025 Senior Health Tips

Subcortical vascular dementia is one of the most common yet overlooked forms of dementia in adults over 65. Unlike Alzheimer’s disease, it often begins with slowed thinking, walking changes, emotional shifts, and even bladder problems long before obvious memory loss appears. In this video, you’ll learn 8 early warning signs of subcortical vascular dementia, including symptoms that families and even doctors frequently mistake for normal aging. These signs are linked to small vessel disease in the deep areas of the brain, which affects thinking speed, movement, judgment, and emotional control. Early recognition is critical. When caught early, progression can often be slowed by controlling blood pressure, diabetes, cholesterol, and other vascular risk factors.

👉 This video is designed for educational awareness for people over 65 and their families.👉 If you recognize multiple signs, seek medical evaluation immediately. Watch until the end to learn what steps to take next and how early action can protect brain health and independence. ⚠️ DISCLAIMER This video is for educational and informational purposes only. It does not provide medical advice, diagnosis, or treatment. Dementia and related conditions must be evaluated by a qualified healthcare professional using appropriate medical testing and imaging. If you or someone you care for is experiencing concerning symptoms, please consult a licensed physician or neurologist promptly.

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Has Trump Left MBS hanging over Yemen? • FRANCE 24 English

Sep 14, 2026 #Yemen#SaudiArabia#Houthis

Yemeni and Saudi governments are under pressure. The Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman reportedly called US President Donald Trump twice to ask him to authorise US strikes against the Houthis in Yemen over the threat to the Bab el Mandeb Strait. According to Axios, the US President declined. FRANCE 24’s Gavin Lee discusses that decision and the wider conflict with retired Lieutenant General Ben Hodges, former commander of US ground forces in Europe, and former Commander of NATO Allied Land Command in Izmir, Turkey. #Yemen#SaudiArabia#Houthis

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SMX On X: Elon Musk’s position is not the doomer position of simply stopping AI. His view is to keep advancing AI while making safety advance with it, even if that sometimes means slowing down.

https://twitter.com/iam_smx/status/2099462805728399569/video/1

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The Spectator: Such is the pace of change in AI that it has been, yet again, quite a weekend. On Saturday, Dario Amodei, boss of Anthropic, published an essay, We Must Pace the Frontier, urging his industry to slow down. Within the hour Elon Musk replied: ‘Dario is right’. Sam Altman, the boss of OpenAI, followed. By Sunday, Amodei was on Face the Nation, again asking everyone to apply the brakes on the grand and momentous technology of our time. The cynical explanation is obvious. OpenAI has just shelved this year’s IPO; Altman suddenly believes it unwise.

The Spectator

@spectator

·

Such is the pace of change in AI that it has been, yet again, quite a weekend. On Saturday, Dario Amodei, boss of Anthropic, published an essay, We Must Pace the Frontier, urging his industry to slow down. Within the hour Elon Musk replied: ‘Dario is right’. Sam Altman, the boss of OpenAI, followed. By Sunday, Amodei was on Face the Nation, again asking everyone to apply the brakes on the grand and momentous technology of our time. The cynical explanation is obvious. OpenAI has just shelved this year’s IPO; Altman suddenly believes it unwise. ✍️ Sean Thomas Article | http://spectator.com/article/dario-amodei-and-the-ai-apocalypse-alchemists

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Meta is rolling out Muse, a personal AI agent that can take actions across apps and the web, including sending emails, booking travel, filling out forms and making purchases with user approval.

https://twitter.com/wallstengine/status/2097401070419091913/video/1

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Grok AI synospis of excellent book by Edward Laxton. The Irish Exodus to America 1846-1851

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Question:

The Famine Ships The Irish Exodus to America 1846 to 1851 Edward Laxton. Could you provide a synopsis, the poverty of Irish people, the state of the ships, con men, sinking, running aground. Particularly the priest Fr Tom Hore who condemned the landlords organised people to emigrate to New Orleans and beyond also accompanying them. Also mention Vere Foster

Thought for 46s

Edward Laxton’s The Famine Ships (1996) is not a grand political history of the Great Hunger. It is a book of voyages: captains, passenger lists, tickets, wrecks, and the people who survived them. Between 1846 and 1851 more than a million Irish crossed the Atlantic. About a million others died at home. Laxton strings the crossings together as vignettes—Henry Ford’s father, Patrick Kennedy, Grosse Île, leaky barques, and one Wexford priest who tried to move a whole parish to America.

archive.orgPoverty at homeBy the 1840s a huge share of the rural poor lived on potatoes grown on tiny, subdivided plots. The rest of Irish agriculture was commercial. Grain, meat and butter still left the country while the blight (Phytophthora infestans) turned the cottier’s crop to slime. Mini-famines had already been common. When the harvest failed again and again, families ate seed potatoes, then grass, then nothing. Workhouses overflowed. Evictions rose. Some landlords calculated that a steerage ticket cost less than the poor-rate that paid for soup kitchens and indoor relief, and simply shipped tenants out. Lord Palmerston’s clearances from Sligo toward Canada in winter became a byword for that calculation.

latimes.comFather Thomas Hore (often spelled Hoare), parish priest of Killaveny and Annacurra on the Wexford–Wicklow border, put it in church language: the fields produced little, and what they produced landlords took. He told packed congregations that America offered land, independence from those landlords, and a chance to keep a Catholic community intact. About 400 families—roughly 1,200 people—spent nearly a year scraping together the $25 steerage fare.

nolanfamilies.orgThe shipsAnything that floated was pressed into the trade: old timber ships on the Canada run, converted coasters, American packets, British vessels allowed three passengers per five tons against America’s two. Bunks were often six feet square for four people. Legal rations were thin—breadstuffs, oatmeal, rice, a few quarts of water a day—and captains skimped. Cooking was done on brick hearths on deck when weather allowed. In storms people were shut below in the dark, seasick, wet, and without sanitation. Typhus (“ship fever”), carried by lice, tore through the holds, the Liverpool lodging houses, and the quarantine sheds. 1847 was the coffin-ship year, especially on the cheaper Canadian route: more than 100,000 sailed for British North America; tens of thousands sickened; conservative counts put deaths around 20,000 at sea and in Quebec and Montreal combined. Grosse Île became a mass grave and a graveyard for priests and doctors as well.

faroutliers.comNot every ship was a coffin. Some American packets were faster and better run. Many crossings were merely miserable rather than lethal. But the pattern was overcrowding, short water, spoiled food, and crews who treated steerage as cargo.Con menThe worst fraud was often on land, especially in Liverpool, the great jumping-off port. A million Irish passed through in the famine years. Dock-runners steered new arrivals to particular lodging houses and chandlers for a cut. Brokers sold space in blocks. Tickets were delayed, rooms overcrowded, luggage held hostage, exchange rates shaved. Medical inspection was a farce. Guides warned emigrants in print; many still arrived penniless before they ever saw the ocean. On board, some captains withheld the contracted rations unless bribed. Vere Foster later documented exactly that on the Washington.Sinking and running agroundLaxton’s chapter titles tell the weather: icebergs, miraculous escapes, scapegoats after wrecks. The era’s disasters match the book’s texture:

  • The brig Exmouth, Londonderry for Quebec, April 1847, was driven onto Islay in a gale. About 240 died; three crew survived. Many of the dead were women and children going to join men already in Canada.
  • The little brig Hannah (Laxton treats tiny vessels like her as “the smallest in the famine fleet”) struck ice in the Gulf of St. Lawrence in April 1849. The captain and officers took the only boat. Passengers were helped onto an ice floe; dozens died of cold and drowning.
  • The Ocean Monarch burned off the Welsh coast in 1848 shortly after leaving Liverpool for Boston; well over 150 died.

Winter sailings, unseaworthy hulls, and captains who had never seen the ice made grounding and foundering ordinary risks, not freak accidents.

latimes.comFather Tom HoreHore had already lived in America. Ordained in Virginia in the 1820s, he returned to Ireland, then watched the famine hollow his parishes. He condemned the landlord system from the altar and organized a collective exit rather than a scatter of individuals.In October 1850 three ships left Liverpool for New Orleans:

  • Ticonderoga (1,090 tons, New York registry) — Hore and about 450 people; about 40 days.
  • Loodianah (915 tons) — about 450; nearly two months.
  • Chasca (smaller, Boston registry) — about 300, eight days later; up to 70 days.

Steerage bought three quarts of water a day, scanty weekly food, and ten cubic feet of space. The plan was Arkansas, where Bishop Andrew Byrne of Little Rock had spoken of good land. Byrne was dead by the time they arrived; the best ground was gone. Some stayed in New Orleans or Arkansas. Others waited in St. Louis. Hore went north, found black soil in Allamakee County, Iowa that looked like home, and bought more than 2,000 acres of government land at $1.25 an acre.When he called the flock from St. Louis, only eighteen families could still come. The rest were broke, hired, sick, or headed to Texas. Those eighteen—and later arrivals from the other two ships—landed near what they called Wexford Creek, built log cabins and a log church, and named the place Wexford, Iowa. Hore farmed, rode circuit to scattered Catholics, and in 1857 went home to Ireland, where he died as parish priest of Cloughbawn in 1864. Descendants still live around the Iowa parish. That is the story Laxton flags in the publisher’s own summary: a Wexford priest, eighteen families, the Mississippi and Missouri, a second Wexford.

iagenweb.orgVere FosterVere Henry Louis Foster (1819–1900), younger son of an Anglo-Irish diplomatic family with an estate in County Louth, is the other moral counterweight of these years. Appalled by the roads full of starving people, he spent his own money on relief and on passages for poor girls. In October 1850 he disguised himself as a steerage passenger and boarded the Washington at Liverpool with some 900 others. Rations were withheld for days. Water was chaotic. Crew violence was routine. Children died of dysentery. Foster himself was beaten, caught the fever, and spent months in hospital after New York.He published the evidence, helped push tighter Passenger Acts, printed cheap guides for emigrants, and later poured his fortune into assisted female emigration and Irish national schools. Stephen de Vere had done a similar undercover passage to Canada in 1847; Foster did it to the United States in 1850. Laxton’s Liverpool chapters—runners, brokers, short rations—are the world Foster walked into on purpose.

en.wikipedia.orgThe book’s last impression is not only horror. Some ships were well found. Some captains were decent. Aid ships such as the USS Jamestown ran the other way, Boston to Cork, with food. Remittances soon flowed home. But the typical famine passenger left a cabin of rotting potatoes, paid runners in Liverpool, slept four to a bunk, and prayed the hull would hold until New Orleans, New York, or Quebec. Hore tried to turn that gamble into a parish. Foster tried to make the next ship less of a coffin.

6 web pages

Explore the Wexford Iowa community

Examine the USS Jamestown relief mission

Explore the Wexford Iowa community

Thought for 3s

I’ll look up the present-day community of Wexford, Iowa—the parish, landscape, and what remains of Father Hore’s settlement.Wexford, Iowa is not a town in the usual sense. It never incorporated. It is a valley, a creek, a cemetery, and a limestone church—the place Father Thomas Hore’s famine parish finally put down roots in 1851.

mississippivalleytraveler.comThe Great River Road drops into a bowl of hardwood hills about eight miles south of Lansing and five or six north of Harpers Ferry, in Allamakee County. Wexford Creek cuts the floor of the hollow. The church sits on a knoll above it, graves on three sides, timber on the fourth. The settlers said the folds of land reminded them of County Wexford. That is why the name stuck.https://artifacts.grokusercontent.com/third-party-image

icwexford.org

How the colony took

Hore bought more than 2,000 acres of government land in Lafayette and Taylor Townships at $1.25 an acre in February–April 1851. Of the hundreds who had sailed with him to New Orleans, only eighteen families boarded the steamer Franklin at St. Louis and came ashore at Lafayette Landing, near the mouth of what they called Priest Coulee or Wexford Creek. Others from the Loodianah and Chasca filtered in later. They cleared timber for cabins, planted wheat, corn, potatoes and cattle, and put up a log chapel dedicated to St. George on 23 April 1851—the saint’s feast, and the first Catholic church in this stretch of northeast Iowa.

icwexford.org The first baptism was Mary Ann Heatly, 25 May 1851. The first marriage was James Murphy and Mrs McNamara, January 1852. Hore was the only resident priest in the county until 1855. He rode to scattered Catholics as far as Minnesota. A frame church replaced the log one in the late 1850s. The stone church that still stands was raised in the 1860s under Father Hannon: Niagara limestone quarried from the hills and hauled by oxen, parish labor, Hugh Vincent Gildea directing. It was dedicated to the Immaculate Conception (often dated around 1868–70). A stained-glass window still reads IN MEMORY OF REV. THOMAS HOARE DONATED BY THE FIRST SETTLERS. Note the spelling on the glass—Hoare—one of several used in the records.

iagenweb.org By 1868 the parish had about a hundred families. Hore had already gone home to Ireland (1857–58 in most accounts) and died at Cloughbawn in 1864. Germans and Scandinavians moved into the same hills. The Irish core held. Early family names still turn up on stones and in county histories: Heatley, Murphy, Lamb, Nolan/Noland, Kelly, Kinsella, Brennan, Brophy, Bulger, Collins, Curran, Esmond, Fennel, Finn, Gavin, Joyce, McNamara, Mullins, O’Neil, Ryan, Stafford, Sullivan, Mooney, Madden, and others. A passenger list from the Ticonderoga hangs at the back of the church.

iagenweb.org What it is now

Wexford is still unincorporated. The community is the parish. Immaculate Conception sits at 1416 Great River Road, Lansing, IA 52151. It belongs to the Archdiocese of Dubuque and is clustered as Holy Family of the Bluffs with St. Ann–St. Joseph in Harpers Ferry, Immaculate Conception in Lansing, and St. Joseph in New Albin. The pastor lives in Lansing. Weekend Mass at Wexford is Saturday 5:30 p.m. The church is often open in daylight for prayer; hours shift with the season. Phone: (563) 538-4171. Sites: icwexford.org and the cluster site holyfamilyofthebluffs.org.

icwexford.org Irish Central has described a congregation of about a hundred—small, rural, and still self-consciously Irish. The parish lost its own resident pastor in November 2010 after more than a century and a half of having one. Additions over time: rectory 1905, belfry and vestibule 1919, parish hall 1952, Our Lady of the Wayside shrine 1965, blessed by Archbishop Byrne to “reign over the hills and valleys.” Seventeen women from the parish entered religious life over the generations; priest-sons came later (the Hawes brothers in the 1950s).

irishcentral.com The cemetery wraps the church. First burials in 1853 mixed Irish, French and English names. Farming here was never easy: sudden hills, dense hardwood, creeks. People stayed anyway. https://artifacts.grokusercontent.com/third-party-image

mississippivalleytraveler.com The valley around the church

This is Iowa’s Driftless country—never scraped flat by the last glaciers—so the Mississippi bluffs rise steep and the hollows stay wooded. Wexford Creek and the Great River Road (and the Driftless Area Scenic Byway) bring weekend traffic. Next to the church is Wexford Valley Campground (Great River Road / Wexford Hollow; 563-586-2005), a small waterside site whose reviews keep saying the same thing: beautiful valley, church next door. Lansing is eight miles north; Harpers Ferry about five and a half south. Effigy Mounds National Monument, Yellow River State Forest, and the river towns of McGregor and Marquette sit within an easy drive.

iowaroadtrip.net There is no Main Street. Services are in Lansing or Harpers Ferry. What Wexford offers is the original bargain Hore made with his people: land that looked like home, a church they built themselves, and graves that keep the passenger lists in the ground.If you go, the useful stop is the stone church and cemetery, then the valley road. The Ticonderoga list inside is the thread back to Liverpool, New Orleans, and the eighteen families who finished the journey when most of the 1,200 could not.

Explore Father Hore’s Irish origins

Visit Effigy Mounds National Monument

Last paragraph: Ireland famine poverty poor landlords numbers lost from typhus and other diseases

Thought for 10s

I’ll pull reliable famine mortality figures so the closing paragraph can sit on the poverty, landlords, and disease numbers you asked for.The valley church at Wexford only makes sense against the Ireland those families fled. Before the blight, some eight million people lived on the island; a third of them depended on the potato because the land system had squeezed cottiers onto scraps while grain, cattle and butter still left the country to pay rent. Absentee and resident landlords alike collected those rents; when the crop failed they evicted, consolidated holdings, and in the worst cases calculated that a cheap steerage ticket cost less than the poor-rate. Population fell from about 8.2 million in 1841 to 6.55 million in 1851. Excess deaths are usually put at about one million—roughly one person in eight—though the official returns undercounted whole families that vanished. Most did not die of empty stomachs alone. Weakened people packed into cabins, roads, workhouses and ship holds, and typhus, typhoid, relapsing fever and dysentery did the killing. Fever—lice-borne typhus above all—ran through lodging houses in Liverpool and the coffin ships of 1847. That year more than 100,000 sailed for Canada; thousands died at sea, thousands more at Grosse Île and in the fever sheds of Quebec, Montreal, Kingston and Toronto (Canada’s 1847–48 typhus dead are commonly put above 20,000). Passage deaths for the wider famine emigration are guessed in the tens of thousands. Of the twelve hundred who left with Father Hore, only eighteen families reached the Iowa hollow. The rest were lost to poverty, landlords, sickness, or the simple fact that America was farther than a fare.

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Eurasia Review: Anthropic Disrupts Iran’s Use of Claude to Spread Propaganda, Spy On Dissidents

iran flag propaganda artificial intelligence digital grok

Image: Grok

Anthropic Disrupts Iran’s Use Of Claude To Spread Propaganda, Spy On Dissidents

 

By RFE RL

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By Frud Bezhan

Key Takeaways:

  • Anthropic’s Sept. 11 threat report (Dec. 2025–Aug. 2026) says it blocked state users—including from Iran and China—from using its models to push propaganda and watch dissidents and ethnic minorities.
  • It names Iranian cultural and propaganda bodies it says used Claude for “cognitive warfare,” campaign plans, personas, and target lists, including work on Khamenei’s July funeral. It also says it stopped an MEK-linked influence push that scraped 500-plus social channels to profile people inside Iran.
  • Other claims: state-aligned users built surveillance tools (including a malicious Firefox add-on and watch lists of opposition accounts). The firm also says criminals, agencies, and researchers in places such as Russia and China used AI models to design weapons and pathogens—company allegations, not court verdicts. No methods.

Anthropic said it has disrupted attempts by Iran, China, and other countries from using its artificial intelligence (AI) models to disseminate state propaganda and spy on ethnic minorities and dissidents.

That is according to the AI company’s latest threat intelligence report issued on September 11, which covers incidents from December 2025 to August.

The report also said criminals, state institutions, and scientists, including in Russia and China, were using AI models such as Claude and Gemini to design missiles and bombs as well as create deadly pathogens.

‘Cognitive Warfare’

Anthropic named several Iranian state institutions it said were using its AI models to shape public opinion inside and outside the country.

The entities include the Islamic Culture and Communications Organization, which operates under the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and oversees Iran’s official cultural diplomacy and international relations abroad; the Islamic Propaganda Office, a religious organization; and the Islamic Propaganda Organization, a religious and cultural group.

Anthropic accused the institutions of running “cognitive warfare” campaigns and promoting narratives created by the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the elite branch of Iran’s armed forces that plays a prominent role in politics and the economy.


“In each case, the operation relied on Claude to build campaign plans, doctrine manuals, persona systems, target databases, and ministerial planning documentation,” said Anthropic’s report.

“Using the model in this manner allowed them to generate complex organizational frameworks and assets that would otherwise have required a fully staffed program office to produce.”

In one case, the Islamic Culture and Communications Organization used Claude to “complete organizational plans” for the state funeral of slain Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei that took place from July 3-9, Anthropic said.

Recruitment Tool

Anthropic also said it disrupted an “influence operation” by the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), an exiled opposition group that seeks to overthrow the Islamic republic and that Tehran regards as a terrorist organization.

The operation, the AI company said, “used a shared AI agent to impersonate real people and recruit inside Iran.”

“The operation successfully scraped over 500 social media channels to build detailed profiles of individuals inside Iran,” the report said.

“They then grouped these targets by city, age, occupation, political alignment, and arrest history likely to help them tailor their messages to the specific audiences.”

Surveillance Operations

Anthropic said it also disrupted operations by state actors, including Iran, that used Claude to “build, run, and otherwise facilitate surveillance operations.”

In one case, Iran-based actors used Claude to build and deploy a malicious Firefox extension that harvested users’ identities from social media networks, the AI company said.

In another case, an Iranian actor used Claude to analyze hundreds of thousands of social media posts and chose 39 opposition accounts to monitor.

“The operators were state-aligned organizations that targeted the same diaspora and dissident communities these regimes have historically targeted,” Anthropic said.

  • Frud Bezhan is Senior Regional Editor in the English-language Central Newsroom at RFE/RL, leading coverage of the Middle East, South Asia, and Central Asia. Previously, he was the Regional Desk Editor for the Near East, with a primary focus on Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. As a correspondent, he reported from Afghanistan, Turkey, Kosovo, and Western Europe.

About RFE RL

RFE/RL journalists report the news in 21 countries where a free press is banned by the government or not fully established.

View all posts by RFE RL →

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DW: How did hackers trick Berlin’s city government?

Ole Alsaker

Berlin is dealing with the biggest cyberattack in its history after hackers stole nearly 6 terabytes of government data in a ClickFix scam and demanded a €2 million ransom. How did it happen?

How could a single employee’s mistake expose vast amounts of data from Berlin‘s state administration network?

DW’s Ole Alsaker speaks with cybersecurity experts Sandro Gaycken and Bianca Kastl about the social-engineering tactic behind the attack, why the breach went undetected for so long, and the difficult decision not to meet the attackers’ demands. They examine what the incident reveals about weaknesses in public-sector IT security and the potential consequences for citizens.

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DW: A night in Finland’s largest underground defense bunker. Strong culture of preparedness

Juri Rescheto in Kuopio, Finland14 hours ago14 hours ago

Would your city survive underground? Inside one of Europe’s largest underground shelters, Finland tests how communities could endure war, cyberattacks and disasters.

https://p.dw.com/p/5MU9o

Finland is testing how communities could survive a major crisis underground.

Inside Luola, one of Europe’s most advanced civil defense shelters, more than 2,000 people joined a large-scale preparedness exercise to see whether daily life can continue during emergencies.

The drill examined everything from drinking water and sleeping arrangements to the psychological challenges of confinement.

Shaped by history, geography and proximity to Russia, Finland’s culture of preparedness extends beyond war to cyberattacks, disinformation and other hybrid threats, with a nationwide network of shelters designed to protect most of the population.

Rescheto Juri Kommentarbild App

Juri Rescheto Riga Bureau Chief

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The Conversation: MPs at Westminster have voted to reject the assisted dying bill, in a significant blow to those campaigning to change the law – 11 years to the day after MP’s rejected the previous attempt

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MPs at Westminster have voted to reject the assisted dying bill, in a significant blow to those campaigning to change the law – 11 years to the day after MPs rejected a previous attempt.

Had it passed, the bill would have made it legal, in certain circumstances, for terminally ill people in England and Wales to get help to end their lives.

It is the latest development in a long-running debate at Westminster over plans to legalise assisted dying. MPs first voted for an earlier version of this bill in November 2024 – private member’s bill put forward by Labour backbencher Kim Leadbeater. They went on to pass a final version of it in June 2025.

But when the bill moved to the Lords it ran into trouble after a relatively small number of peers proposed an unprecedentedly large number of legislative “amendments”. As a result, the bill ran out of time before the end of the parliamentary session. For it to have become law, it would have needed to have completed its Lords stages. Any changes made by peers would then have required the approval of MPs.

This new version of the bill, proposed by Labour MP Lauren Edwards, picked up where Leadbeater’s bill left off.

In the latest vote, MPs sided 286 to 270 against the bill, giving opponents a majority of 16. This was a turnaround from the first vote in November 2024, when 330 MPs voted for the bill and 275 against. Compared to June 2025, relatively few MPs directly changed their votes: just five switched from support to opposition and none moved in the opposite direction.

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The bigger issue was turnout: among opponents in 2025, 15 did not vote this time, whereas for supporters the figure was 43 (excluding those no longer MPs). This made all the difference against such tight voting margins.

Labour MPs were pivotal to the outcome. So-called “conscience votes” like assisted dying are often subject to “free votes”, meaning that MPs are free to vote as they wish.

In 2024, Labour MPs were divided, splitting 61% to 39% in favour of the bill. This time the divisions were even greater. Support dropped to 55% among Labour MPs who participated, while 45% voted against. Conservative MPs remained strongly opposed, while Liberal Democrats continued to be largely supportive – albeit with some fluctuation, including some switched votes.

Explaining the vote

At least three key considerations are likely to have been forefront of MPs’ minds: policy, procedure, and politics.

First is their views of the policy. While many MPs firmly support or oppose the legalisation of assisted dying as a point of principle, others have previously expressed more conditional support. In the run-up to this vote, opponents of the bill sought to highlight specific concerns, such as the effectiveness of safeguards to prevent coercion and to protect disabled people.

Since MPs voted on the previous bill, the Scottish Parliament decisively rejected a similar bill in March. MPs have also had more time to consider the policy and, unlike in 2024 when most MPs were newly elected, they are more experienced as legislators. Nonetheless, relatively few MPs directly changed their votes, suggesting that this had a limited impact on the outcome.

Second, MPs will have been weighing up procedural arguments about the bill’s passage. By reintroducing a bill that is essentially identical to Leadbeater’s, supporters were attempting to deploy the procedural weapon of the Parliament Acts. In short, this means that if the Commons approves the same bill in two successive parliamentary sessions, it can be passed into law without requiring approval from the Lords.

In the minds of many opponents of assisted dying, the reason Leadbeater’s bill failed was because the Lords was not given enough time to scrutinise a flawed proposal. They argued that if the Commons passed the bill again – making it possible to use the Parliament Acts – it would risk becoming law without these defects being addressed.

But for many supporters, Leadbeater’s bill failed due to “deliberate delaying tactics” in the Lords, not good faith scrutiny. According to them, the threat of the Parliament Acts was aimed at encouraging more constructive treatment by peers this time.

a large group of anti-assisted dying campaigners protest in front of parliament
People from both sides of the argument demonstrated in front of parliament as the debate went on inside. EPA/TOLGA AKMEN

Many Labour MPs may also have had an eye on the broader politics. In 2024, they were led by a prime minister in Keir Starmer who had been a long-time advocate of legalising assisted dying. In 2026, Andy Burnham’s position was less clear-cut: while ultimately he abstained in the vote, he also expressed public reservations about the policy. This may have been read by some MPs as a tacit warning against voting for the bill.

And perhaps even more important were the undeniable party divisions that the previous iteration of the bill provoked. Had MPs voted for it again, these divisions would only have intensified as the bill worked its way through its legislative stages. The government would likely have come under growing pressure from some of its own MPs to facilitate the bill’s passage, risking further discontent.

At a time when the party was only just beginning to stabilise following Starmer’s departure, some Labour MPs may have concluded that the failure of this bill was a price worth paying to allow Burnham the political space to reestablish Labour’s electoral footing.

What happens next?

By voting against this bill, MPs may well have signalled the end of any prospect of assisted dying being legalised in England and Wales for the foreseeable future. It is possible in principle for an MP to bring the cause back following next year’s private members’ bills ballot, and some may judge that it is worth another try. Yet it seems likely that some other supporters will conclude that MPs have made their collective feeling clear.

During the debates over the past two years, some argued that a reform of this magnitude should not be left to backbench MPs, but should be taken forward by the government, perhaps following an in-depth inquiry such as a Royal Commission. This option remains a possibility – although whether the Burnham government will want to expend more political capital on this issue, with the risk of reopening party divisions, seems doubtful.

But it is also unlikely that this is the last we will hear of the campaign to legislate for assisted dying in England and Wales. If and when the time comes, the debates of the past two years will inform whatever comes next in that campaign.

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