Fortune: The most reassuring argument about AI and jobs quietly explains why Gen Z can’t get one

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The most reassuring argument about AI and jobs quietly explains why Gen Z can’t get one

Nick Lichtenberg

By 

Nick Lichtenberg

Business Editor

June 29, 2026, 1:55 PM ET

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Is this a junior or senior lawyer?Getty Images

Smart people disagree on the AI job apocalypse, and even the prophets of white-collar doom—Dario Amodei and Sam Altman—have walked back their predictions.

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But the best explanation for why AI won’t kill off jobs across the economy comes, perhaps unexpectedly, from a Dutch software company that sells its products to law firms. It also explains why the entry-level market hiring struggle is painfully real.

Wolters Kluwer is a 190-year-old Dutch information services company that sells AI-powered software to law firms. In a piece published earlier this month, the company cited two economic concepts: the “lump of labor fallacy” and the Jevons Paradox.

The “lump of labor fallacy” was coined by English economist David Frederick Schloss in 1891, as he noted that many workers and employers believed there was a fixed amount of work to be done in an economy. You can see this everywhere over the past four years, even among AI kingpins such as Amodei and Altman, as they warned that if AI eliminates a category of tasks, the workers who performed those tasks would simply be displaced with nowhere to go.

Wolters Kluwer alluded to the fallacy by noting that AI is freeing up attorneys to spend more time on strategy, counseling, and judgment-driven work but isn’t resulting in smaller legal teams.

“Legal teams are increasingly looking for junior professionals who arrive AI-trained and ready to work alongside these tools,” it said. “They need people who can validate AI output, manage workflows, and apply their expertise to the outputs rather than the inputs.”

The Jevons Paradox is an even older bit of economic lingo. Coined in 1865 by the English economist William Stanley Jevons, it has been invoked regularly by Apollo Global Management chief economist Torsten Slok to argue that AI will create more jobs, not less. Amodei even referenced it himself in May while retreating from his own AI jobpocalypse claims.

This paradox applies when a resource becomes cheaper or more efficient to use and total consumption of it tends to rise, not fall. When steam engines became more fuel-efficient in the 19th century, coal consumption didn’t drop—it multiplied, because cheaper engines proliferated everywhere.

Applied to legal work, Wolters Kluwer said AI that cuts the cost of research and document review doesn’t reduce demand for legal services, but rather expands the universe of what clients expect law firms to deliver. Efficiency creates appetite, not surplus.

“Efficiency gains driven by AI are likely to increase expectations about the work you can produce rather than reduce demand,” the firm argued, calling AI a “task machine, not a job machine.”

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Wolters Kluwer added that AI “excels at completing individual workflows but lacks the judgment required to perform an end-to-end job as a person would,” citing internal research findings that AI produced professional-quality output on individual tasks roughly 50% to 60% of the time across various roles. When tasked with executing a complete project end-to-end, though, the success rate drops to around 2%.

This perfectly fits the pattern of a labor market where the entry-level workers who do one task at a time struggle to get hired, and the rest of the AI jobpocalypse just doesn’t really show up in the data.

The question the webinar doesn’t ask

The entry-level job market is the worst it has been in 37 years. Entry-level positions across professional services have dropped 29% since January 2024. Finance and information services—the industries that have historically provided an on-ramp for most college graduates—shed an average of 9,000 jobs per month since 2023, compared to adding 44,000 per month before the pandemic. A Stanford study found workers ages 22 to 25 in highly AI-exposed occupations experienced a 13% drop in employment since 2022. Before walking it back, Amodei warned that AI could eliminate roughly half of all entry-level white-collar jobs within five years.

Gen Z is not struggling because of bad attitudes or unrealistic expectations. The first rung of the career ladder is structurally disappearing. And the Wolters Kluwer framework explains why—although it declines to say so.

Firms don’t need fewer senior lawyers—they need more of them, better-leveraged, handling more sophisticated work for more demanding clients. While Wolters Kluwer sees demand expanding, it doesn’t look closely at where in the value spectrum that is the case. Compounded across an industry over a decade, it describes a profession that has stopped training its own replacements.

PwC calls this “seniorization,” based on an analysis of more than 1 billion job postings. The Big Four firm’s 2026 AI Global Jobs Barometer found that entry-level roles in highly AI-exposed occupations have become seven times as likely to require skills that have historically appeared later in a worker’s career. These are skills like strategic decision-making, stakeholder management, leadership, and judgment.

This is not a new pattern. It is the oldest pattern in economic history.

The medieval plow dramatically increased agricultural output across Europe. Peasants didn’t benefit—the surplus went to build cathedrals. The spinning jenny automated textile production and led to longer hours at lower wages for the workers it was supposed to liberate. The internet created more wealth than any technology in modern history and concentrated it among a small number of platform companies while generating, for most workers, gig roles, delivery routes, and content moderation queues.

The question has never been whether technology creates wealth. It is always about who captures this wealth, and under what political and institutional conditions it becomes broadly distributed.

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About the Author

Nick Lichtenberg

By Nick LichtenbergBusiness Editor

Nick Lichtenberg is business editor and was formerly Fortune‘s executive editor of global new

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Harvard Medical: Stress and functional GI disorders

Stress and functional GI disordersd2690b50-4184-45b6-b8e5-9f26cf89862b

You may feel nauseated before giving a presentation or feel intestinal pain during times of stress.

You’re not imagining it. The gut and the brain influence each other.

For example, stress (or depression or other psychological factors) can affect movement and contractions of the gastrointestinal tract, as well as sensations perceived to come from the gut.


Get your copy of Help for Your Sensitive GutHelp for Your Sensitive Gut

When your digestive system is running smoothly, you tend not to think about it. Once trouble begins, your gut — like a squeaky wheel — suddenly demands your attention. This Special Health Report, Help for Your Sensitive Gut, covers the major sources of gastrointestinal distress: irritable bowel syndrome, gastric reflux, upset stomach, constipation, diarrhea, and excess gas. 

It also includes a special Bonus Section describing how emotional stress and anxiety can cause gastrointestinal distress. SHOW ME MORE →

There is also emerging evidence that psychosocial factors may alter the types of bacteria that live in your gut, which can contribute to chronic inflammation. In addition, research suggests that some people with functional GI disorders perceive pain more intensely than other people do because their brains do not properly regulate pain signals from the digestive tract.

In other words, stress can make the existing pain from functional GI disorders seem even worse. These observations suggest that at least some people with functional GI conditions might find relief with therapy to reduce stress or treat anxiety or depression. And sure enough, one review of 32 studies showed that people treated with psychologically based approaches had greater improvement in their symptoms compared with people who received conventional medical treatment.

Integrative therapy for functional GI disorders shifts the focus away from pinpointing a specific cause for symptoms to engaging patients in activities and therapies that can help in managing symptoms and increasing quality of life. This may include the use of medications, dietary changes, and stress-reduction techniques.When assessing whether your gastrointestinal symptoms – such as heartburn, abdominal cramps, or loose stools – are related to stress, watch for these other common symptoms of stress and report them to your clinician as well.

Physical symptoms stiff or tense muscles, especially in the neck and shoulders headaches sleep problems shakiness or tremorsrecent loss of interest in sexweight loss or gain restlessness.

Behavioral symptoms procrastination difficulty completing work assignments changes in the amount of alcohol or food you consume taking up smoking, or smoking more than usual grinding teeth rumination (frequent talking or brooding about stressful situations).

Emotional symptoms crying overwhelming sense of tension or pressure trouble relaxing increased desire to be with or withdraw from others nervousness quick temper depression poor concentration trouble remembering things loss of sense of humor indecisiveness.For more on the connection between brain health and gut health, read The Sensitive Gut, a Special Health Report from Harvard Medical School.
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DW: Albania’s ‘Flamingo Revolution’: What’s behind the protests?


Albania’s ‘Flamingo Revolution’: What’s behind the protests?

Rashela Shehu in Tirana, Albania06/27/2026June 27, 2026

For weeks now, images of crowds of Albanians protesting on the streets have been relayed around the world. The protesters say they are fighting for democracy. PM Edi Rama insists the movement is part of a hybrid war.

Protesters hold placards during a protest against a luxury resort linked to Donald Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner. The largest shows a drawing of a flamingo caught in barbed wire. A second features a large red V and the phrase 'the voice of Albanians.' Tirana, Albania, June 13, 2026
The flamingo has become the dominant image of daily protests taking place in AlbaniaImage: Florion Goga/REUTERS

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Every evening at 7 p.m., protesters return to the same square in the Albanian capital, Tirana, with the same symbols, making the same demands.

More than three weeks of uninterrupted daily demonstrations have turned the “Flamingo Revolution” into Albania’s largest civic protest movement since the fall of communism.

It began when a government-approved luxury tourism project in Zvernec, a protected coastal area in southern Albania, triggered protests that soon evolved into a broader political movement.

Initially driven by environmental concerns, the demonstrations have expanded into broader demands, including calls for the resignation of Prime Minister Edi Rama.

A man (Edi Rama) speaks with the media as he arrives for the EU-Western Balkans Summit in Tivat, Montenegro, June 5, 2026
Prime Minister Edi Rama has said protests are driven by external influences and digital manipulationImage: Stevo Vasiljevic/REUTERS

Rama has rejected the idea that the unrest can be explained by domestic political grievances alone. Instead, he has argued that protests are unfolding within what he describes as a “hybrid war” driven by external influences and digital manipulation.

Kushner’s luxury resort

For Rama, the controversy gained international visibility only after it became associated with Jared Kushner, the son-in-law of US President Donald Trump, who is planning to build a luxury tourism project in Zvernec.

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“The world did not wake up because of the fate of Narta, but because of the name of Jared Kushner,” Rama said at a meeting of the Socialist Party’s parliamentary group on June 20.

The prime minister has argued that what he referred to as the “digital cyclone” has allowed the protests to be amplified by a broad constellation of external actors, including Trump opponents, anti-Israel groups and what he calls state-sponsored “digital mercenaries.”

“State-sponsored actors have been identified, including those from Iran,” he said.

Echoes of Albania’s communist past

Jonila Godole, scholar of political communication and collective memory at the University of Tirana, said Rama’s interpretation of the protests reflects a familiar communications strategy: shifting the focus from the protesters’ demands to the alleged forces behind them.

“When a civic protest is presented as Iranian, anti-Israeli or driven by Trump’s opponents, attention shifts away from what protesters are demanding. The debate moves instead to the alleged authors of the protest — the external enemy,” she told DW.

Environmental activists, families, members of the Albanian diaspora, tourists and young people participate in a demonstration in Tirana, Albania, on June 14, 2026. The child in the middle is wearing a T-shirt in the design of the Albanian flag and holds up a placard that reads 'Mornings are for [gaming] and afternoons are for Flamingo Revolution'
The protests, which have been going on for almost a month, have been dubbed ‘The Flamingo Revolution’ because the area where Kushner plans to build his resort is home to the pink birds and many other speciesImage: Vlasov Sulaj/NurPhoto/picture alliance

Godole also sees echoes of Albania’s communist past in Rama’s rhetoric. During Albania’s communist period, political dissent was routinely portrayed as the work of hostile foreign forces.

She argued that the language of external enemies continues to resurface whenever those in power face sustained domestic pressure.

“Fear was the political capital of the communist regime,” she said. “It kept society under control and concentrated power around the leader. Today, that language no longer works in the same way. Young people no longer recognize that political code. They reject it.”

Can algorithms explain a protest?

Academic and communications theorist Artan Fuga said attributing the protests to algorithms risks confusing the medium with the cause.

Digital platforms may accelerate the circulation of information, he said, but they cannot explain why citizens choose to take to the streets.

A drone view shows a large crowd of protesters gathered outside the Prime Minister's Office in central Tirana, Albania, on June 19, 2026
Academic and communications theorist Artan Fuga said while digital platforms may accelerate the circulation of information, they cannot explain why citizens choose to take to the streetsImage: Vlasov Sulaj/NurPhoto/picture alliance

“The algorithm is part of the communication environment. It can accelerate the circulation of messages, amplify emotions and increase visibility. But it is not the cause of social dissatisfaction,” he told DW.

“Technology may influence the way a protest spreads, but it does not create the reasons for the protest. Confusing algorithms with social discontent means mistaking the channel for the source.”

https://www.dw.com/webapi/iframes/widget/en/76806093

Tension building for years

For many observers, the turning point happened not online but on the beach at Zvernec on May 30.

In front of mobile phone cameras and in the presence of police officers, a protester was dragged across the sand by private security guards. The footage spread rapidly on social media, transforming what had begun as an environmental protest into a broader national debate about power, accountability and the rule of law.

Fuga said the images resonated because they captured tensions that had been building in Albanian society for years.

“It was a shocking moment for the Albanian public,” he said. “That scene exposed the relationship between citizens and the state, between the individual and their rights, and the clash between private interests and the public good.”

More than just an environmental protest

Political scientist Blendi Kajsiu said the protests reveal a much deeper crisis than a dispute over environmental protection.

Protesters at a demonstration in front of a government building in Tirana, Albania, June 2, 2026. The placard in the center reads 'Stop selling Albania piece by piece'
After security guards dragged a protester across the sand on the beach at Zvernec on May 30, the environmental protest evolved into a broader political movementImage: Armando Babani/Matrix Images/picture alliance

In his view, what unites the demonstrators is not a shared ideology but a shared rejection of Albania’s political model.

“We are witnessing a profound crisis of Albania’s democratic model. What unites these protesters is no longer ideology, but the belief that the country’s political system no longer represents them,” he told DW.

Kajsiu said the protesters are attempting to reclaim public space from what they see as its gradual capture by narrow political and private interests.

“The fence erected in Zvernec became a physical manifestation of what many citizens feel has happened to the prime minister’s office, parliament and political parties: They have been enclosed by their ‘owners,'” he added.

Beyond Albania

The debate has already spread abroad and reached the European Union’s halls of power.

In its latest progress resolution on Albania, the European Parliament expressed “serious concern” over developments in the Vjosa-Narta protected area, and called for an immediate moratorium on new permits and construction in protected areas.

A group of flamingos stand in water, Zvernec near Vlora, Albania, June 10, 2026
Flamingos are common in the Vjosa-Narta Protected AreaImage: Florion Goga/REUTERS

The resolution argues that environmental protection and the rule of law remain part of Albania’s EU accession commitments.

Jonila Godole believes the parliament’s resolution demonstrates that European institutions have acknowledged the environmental and rule-of-law dimensions of the dispute.

However, she said portraying the protests using the language of hybrid threats and foreign interference risks shifting international attention away from the protesters’ democratic demands and toward questions of security and stability.

“For years, Europe has called for a stronger civil society to strengthen democracy,” she said. “Today, Albania has a strong civil society that has mobilized on an unprecedented scale, yet there has been little international reaction in support of that mobilization. The question is whether civil society is welcomed only when it is weak, and not when it becomes a real political actor.”

Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan

A woman with long fair hair (Rashela Shehu) smiles at the camera

Rashela Shehu Albania-based reporter specializing in current affairs

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