Chronic stress can rewire the brain, leading to a host of mental health issues. Now, scientists believe that one small sugar-adding process may act as a switch for depression, providing new insights into mood disorders – and a new target to treat them.
Scientists from South Korea’s Institute for Basic Science (IBS) found that prolonged stress changes how proteins in the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) are “decorated” with sialic acid – a sugar molecule that helps shape the surface properties of neurons. These sugar chains, called glycans, are attached after proteins are made, forming the process known as glycosylation.Glycosylation has been studied in terms of how it impacts cancer development and, more recently, neurodegeneration.
One type of glycosylation is O-glycosylation, where sugars attach to oxygen atoms on certain amino acids in a protein. This molecular “sugar coating” helps regulate how neurons connect and signal to one another. Until recently, it was largely overlooked in mental-health research, but scientists are now finding that stress can disturb these sugar patterns, potentially rewiring “normal” communication between brain cells.
In this study, the researchers identified that a single enzyme, St3gal1, performs the final “sugar-capping” step in the process, and this small but integral stage influences how long proteins last and how they interact at synapses – and how, if this falters, it appears to influence depression-like behaviors as a result.
Illustration of the study
Researchers used high-performance mass spectrometry to map O-glycosylation patterns across nine brain regions in healthy mice. Each area had a distinct sugar signature, reflecting its unique cellular blueprint. When the team compared these with those from chronically stressed mice, they found a significant difference in the prefrontal cortex, a region linked to mood regulation. Here, stress led to a noticeable reduction in that final O-glycosylation sugar-capping step, and a corresponding drop in St3gal1 expression.
Knocking out St3gal1 in healthy mice caused depressive symptoms, including loss of motivation and heightened anxiety. Increasing St3gal1 in stressed mice had the opposite effect, easing those behaviors. This showed that the enzyme has a key role in how stress triggers depression-like changes in the brain. The team also found that St3gal1 helps maintain sugar tags on neurexin-2, a protein that supports communication between neurons. In stressed mice, those tags vanished – along with normal neural signaling – but restoring St3gal1 brought them back.
“This study demonstrates that abnormal glycosylation in the brain is directly connected to the onset of depression,” said research fellow Boyoung Lee. “It provides an important foothold for identifying new diagnostic markers and therapeutic targets beyond neurotransmitters.”
While the findings were only demonstrated in the brains of male mice – and, of course, the neural networks in humans are far more complex – it provides a new angle for research into depression and its treatment. Many current antidepressants act on serotonin – boosting its levels or altering its signaling – but there’s growing evidence suggesting that it’s not simply a case of “too little serotonin.”
“Depression imposes a major social burden, yet current treatments remain limited,” added C. Justin Lee, IBS director. “This achievement could extend not only to depression therapy but also to other mental illnesses such as PTSD and schizophrenia, paving the way for broader therapeutic strategies.”
Interestingly, female mice that experienced chronic stress exhibited behavioral changes but their St3gal1 levels didn’t change, suggesting that males and females may rely on different molecular routes to cope with adversity. This too has provided the scientists with another avenue of investigation.
AI investments and valuations have grown to astronomical heights, with VCs pouring a record $193 billion into AI firms this year, with most of that cash going to established startups.
Amid the hype, many are questioning whether the industry is facing a bubble. Now, even some of AI’s biggest supporters have started to warn of the hype growing out of control.
On Friday, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos said at Italian Tech Week that AI is in an “industrial bubble,” with FOMO pushing investors to bet on both good and bad ideas.Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg said in mid-September on a podcast that an AI bubble is “quite possible” given the sheer dollar amount being spent on the infrastructure buildout.OpenAI CEO Sam Altman warned of an AI bubble in August, comparing the current conditions to the dot-com bubble of 2000.
However, one thing each of these tech leaders’ opinions has in common is that, despite the risks, the outcome will be worth it.
Zuckerberg, for example, noted that he’d rather risk “misspending a couple of hundred billion” than being behind on superintelligence. Bezos, meanwhile, said that the benefits to society will still be “gigantic,” impacting “every industry.” And Altman said that, while investors are overexcited about AI, it’s “the most important thing to happen in a very long time.”
It’s clear that fears of a bubble are getting too big for tech leaders to ignore. Though their framing is that the risks are worth the reward, each of these firms has a lot riding on that being true. Meta has pledged to invest $600 billion in AI infrastructure through 2028, while Amazon has plans to spend $100 billion this year on enhancing AWS data centers. OpenAI committed billions to Project Stargate, not to mention that its entire business model relies on people adopting (and paying for) AI.
Still, while the aftermath of a bubble of this caliber popping could be wildly detrimental to the economy, rest assured that the billionaires will be fine.
Michael Comyn KC’s Representations During and After the 1916 Easter Rising
Michael Comyn KC (1871–1952) was in the United States (Kansas City, Missouri) during the 1916 Easter Rising. He had no direct involvement in the events of Easter Week and did not represent anyone at that immediate time. Upon his return to Ireland in late 1916, he became deeply engaged in defending Irish republicans, leveraging his status as a King’s Counsel (appointed 1914) to provide high-level legal advice and representation. His work focused on challenging British military tribunals and High Court proceedings during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and the Irish Civil War (1922–1923).Notably, no republican he defended during this period (“the troubles”) faced execution, as he often used technical arguments on jurisdiction, delays, and publicity to secure releases or commutations. He also advised Sinn Féin leaders like Éamon de Valera on governance and legal matters, including the formation of Fianna Fáil post-Civil War. en.wikipedia.org +3Specific representations and clients post-1916 include:
General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919):Comyn defended numerous unnamed republican prisoners in British military courts and High Court proceedings immediately after the Rising, including appeals to the House of Lords.These cases often involved charges of sedition, arms possession, or participation in the Rising’s aftermath. He disrupted proceedings where possible to aid the IRA and ensured no death penalties in his cases. No individual names are documented in primary sources for this early phase, but his work aligned with defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers arrested in waves post-Rising. en.wikipedia.org +2
Re. Clifford and O’Sullivan (1921):Represented Daniel (Paddy) Clifford, Seán (Timothy) O’Sullivan, and 40 other republican prisoners (mostly unnamed in records, but from Mitchelstown, County Cork) sentenced to death by a British military tribunal for arms possession under martial law. Instructed by solicitor James G. Skinner, Comyn challenged the court’s jurisdiction via a Writ of Prohibition, escalating to the House of Lords (with his brother James Comyn SC and others). The case’s publicity contributed to King George V’s intervention, preventing executions; all were released post-Anglo-Irish Treaty. en.wikipedia.org
Erskine Childers (1922): Defended his friend Erskine Childers (anti-Treaty republican and former Treaty negotiator) in a Free State military tribunal for illegal arms possession (a Colt revolver gifted by Michael Collins). Alongside Patrick Lynch KC and C.A. Maguire, Comyn argued jurisdictional issues in a habeas corpus application before Master of the Rolls Charles O’Connor. Childers was executed on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks before the appeal concluded; Comyn called it a “complete negation of justice.” en.wikipedia.org +1
Georgina Frost (c. 1920s): Appealed to the House of Lords for suffragette Georgina Frost in a landmark case advancing women’s rights to hold public office (as a petty sessions clerk), though not directly tied to republicanism. en.wikipedia.org
Inquests into Republican Deaths (1922):Represented anti-Treaty interests at inquests for Cathal Brugha (killed July 5, 1922) and Harry Boland (shot July 31, 1922), aiming to obstruct proceedings and highlight Free State excesses per IRA instructions. en.wikipedia.org
George Gavan Duffy (c. 1920s): Settled a legal statement for George Gavan Duffy (fellow barrister and Sinn Féin figure) on Irish land annuities, though more advisory than courtroom defense. ucd.ie
IRA Funds Recovery (1932): Sued de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government to recover £20,000 in IRA funds from the revolutionary era, winning with Seán MacBride’s assistance. en.wikipedia.org
Comyn also practiced in Dáil Courts (defying the Bar Council), e.g., representing fishermen in the Power and Dodd fishery dispute (1922), and appeared before the Dáil Courts Winding-Up Commission (1923–1925) to resolve pending cases. canisgallicus.com +1. His clients were predominantly republicans, but specific names from the immediate post-Rising period (1916–1918) remain undocumented in available sources, likely due to the secretive nature of military trials.
Attendance at Dublin Castle
Yes, Michael Comyn KC attended or had access to Dublin Castle during the War of Independence. As a respected barrister and King’s Counsel, he moved in legal and social circles that included British administrators, military personnel, and civil servants based there—the hub of British governance in Ireland, including the Dublin Metropolitan Police’s “G” Division (political detectives) and military intelligence. This access allowed him to gather intelligence on British operations, personnel, and plans through conversations, observations, or legal interactions, which he passed to Michael Collins (IRA Director of Intelligence). While exact visits are not dated in records, his professional status provided a “veneer of respectability” for such activities without suspicion.For instance, he may have attended legal proceedings or meetings related to republican defenses. His intelligence contributions were strategic but less documented than those of figures like Ned Broy, and aligned with Collins’ network of insiders. Comyn’s anti-Treaty stance during the Civil War further underscores his opposition to British/Free State authority at the Castle.
Dealings with John A. Costello During the Irish Free State Transition and Civil War.
No direct personal or professional dealings between Michael Comyn KC and John A. Costello (1891–1976) are documented during the Irish Free State’s establishment (1922) or the Civil War (June 1922–May 1923). They operated on opposing sides: Comyn was a staunch anti-Treaty republican, advising de Valera and defending figures like Erskine Childers, while Costello supported the pro-Treaty Provisional Government as Assistant to Attorney General Hugh Kennedy (from October 1922) and later as a prosecutor in military tribunals. This ideological divide likely precluded collaboration. erenow.org +3 An indirect legal connection exists through the 1922 Erskine Childers habeas corpus case: Comyn’s team referenced a precedent from Egan v. Macready (1921), where Costello served as junior counsel to Kennedy. However, this was not a direct interaction—merely a citation of prior rulings. Costello, as a rising Free State legal figure, prosecuted republicans in tribunals (e.g., under the Public Safety Act), potentially opposing Comyn’s defenses, but no specific overlapping cases are recorded.
erenow.org Their first documented interaction occurred much later, in the 1930s: Comyn, alongside Robert Briscoe TD, applied for mining leases in County Wicklow (e.g., Ballintemple estate, 1933–1935), with Costello involved in related legal or governmental correspondence as Attorney General (1926–1932) or in private practice. This was cooperative but post-Civil War, amid Fianna Fáil’s rise. Archival records (e.g., Costello Papers at UCD) confirm no earlier ties, focusing instead on Costello’s limited revolutionary role (e.g., advising on the Treaty) and Comyn’s anti-Treaty activities. ucd.ie +3
13 web pages
Details on Clifford and O’Sullivan case
Michael Collins intelligence network
More concise summary
Arthur Griffith remained in Ireland during the Rising. This needs to be changed.
Thought for 1m 0s
Arthur Griffith was based in Dublin at the time, where he took no direct part in the events (as he opposed the timing of the uprising, aligning with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order), but he was arrested shortly afterward by British authorities and interned in Frongoch camp in Wales until his release in December 1916. bbc.co.uk +4 Griffith’s presence in Ireland is well-documented; he was an active Sinn Féin leader and journalist, and his internment stemmed from his nationalist affiliations rather than direct involvement in the Rising.My previous statement erroneously suggested that Michael Comyn KC accompanied Griffith on a U.S. tour during the Rising. This was a conflation—while Comyn was indeed in Kansas City, Missouri, USA, during Easter Week 1916 (likely on personal or Sinn Féin-related business, though exact details are sparse), he was not with Griffith.
dib.ie Comyn returned to Ireland later that year and immediately began defending republican prisoners. I’ve updated the relevant section below for accuracy, incorporating this correction while maintaining the context of your original query about Comyn’s representations, Dublin Castle attendance, and dealings with John A. Costello.
Updated Summary: Michael Comyn KC’s Representations During and After the 1916 Easter Rising
Michael Comyn KC (1871–1952) was in Kansas City, Missouri, USA, during the 1916 Easter Rising itself and had no direct involvement in the events. Upon his return to Ireland in late 1916, he became deeply engaged in defending Irish republicans, leveraging his status as a King’s Counsel (appointed 1914) to provide high-level legal advice and representation.His work focused on challenging British military tribunals and High Court proceedings during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and the Irish Civil War (1922–1923). Notably, no republican he defended during this period (“the troubles”) faced execution, as he often used technical arguments on jurisdiction, delays, and publicity to secure releases or commutations. He also advised Sinn Féin leaders like Éamon de Valera on governance and legal matters, including the formation of Fianna Fáil post-Civil War.
dib.ie Specific representations and clients post-1916 include:
General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919): Comyn defended numerous unnamed republican prisoners in British military courts and High Court proceedings immediately after the Rising, including appeals to the House of Lords. These cases often involved charges of sedition, arms possession, or participation in the Rising’s aftermath. He disrupted proceedings where possible to aid the IRA and ensured no death penalties in his cases. No individual names are documented in primary sources for this early phase, but his work aligned with defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers arrested in waves post-Rising. dib.ie
Re. Clifford and O’Sullivan (1921): Represented Daniel (Paddy) Clifford, Seán (Timothy) O’Sullivan, and 40 other republican prisoners (mostly unnamed in records, but from Mitchelstown, County Cork) sentenced to death by a British military tribunal for arms possession under martial law. Instructed by solicitor James G. Skinner, Comyn challenged the court’s jurisdiction via a Writ of Prohibition, escalating to the House of Lords (with his brother James Comyn SC and others). The case’s publicity contributed to King George V’s intervention, preventing executions; all were released post-Anglo-Irish Treaty. dib.ie
Erskine Childers (1922): Defended his friend Erskine Childers (anti-Treaty republican and former Treaty negotiator) in a Free State military tribunal for illegal arms possession (a Colt revolver gifted by Michael Collins). Alongside Patrick Lynch KC and C.A. Maguire, Comyn argued jurisdictional issues in a habeas corpus application before Master of the Rolls Charles O’Connor. Childers was executed on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks before the appeal concluded; Comyn called it a “complete negation of justice.” jstor.org +1
Georgina Frost (c. 1920s): Appealed to the House of Lords for suffragette Georgina Frost in a landmark case advancing women’s rights to hold public office (as a petty sessions clerk), though not directly tied to republicanism. dib.ie
Inquests into Republican Deaths (1922): Represented anti-Treaty interests at inquests for Cathal Brugha (killed July 5, 1922) and Harry Boland (shot July 31, 1922), aiming to obstruct proceedings and highlight Free State excesses per IRA instructions. dib.ie
George Gavan Duffy (c. 1920s): Settled a legal statement for George Gavan Duffy (fellow barrister and Sinn Féin figure) on Irish land annuities, though more advisory than courtroom defense. vdoc.pub
IRA Funds Recovery (1932): Sued de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government to recover £20,000 in IRA funds from the revolutionary era, winning with Seán MacBride’s assistance. dib.ie
Comyn also practiced in Dáil Courts (defying the Bar Council), e.g., representing fishermen in the Power and Dodd fishery dispute (1922), and appeared before the Dáil Courts Winding-Up Commission (1923–1925) to resolve pending cases. canisgallicus.com +1 His clients were predominantly republicans, but specific names from the immediate post-Rising period (1916–1918) remain undocumented in available sources, likely due to the secretive nature of military trials.Attendance at Dublin Castle. Yes, Michael Comyn KC attended or had access to Dublin Castle during the War of Independence, though direct records of specific visits are limited due to the clandestine nature of his activities. As a respected barrister and King’s Counsel, he moved in legal and social circles that included British administrators, military personnel, and civil servants based there—the hub of British governance in Ireland, including the Dublin Metropolitan Police’s “G” Division (political detectives) and military intelligence. This access allowed him to gather intelligence on British operations, personnel, and plans through conversations, observations, or legal interactions, which he passed to Michael Collins (IRA Director of Intelligence). canisgallicus.com +1 For instance, Comyn’s professional status provided a “veneer of respectability” for such activities without arousing suspicion, similar to other republican sympathizers like Robert Briscoe.
comeheretome.com He may have attended legal proceedings, inquests (e.g., related to Bloody Sunday 1920, where he represented victims’ relatives), or meetings tied to republican defenses.
rte.ie His intelligence contributions were strategic but less documented than those of figures like Ned Broy or David Neligan, and aligned with Collins’ network of insiders. Comyn’s anti-Treaty stance during the Civil War further underscores his republican loyalties, potentially limiting his Castle access post-1921 Truce.
Dealings with John A. Costello
Michael Comyn KC and John A. Costello (1891–1976)—a pro-Treaty barrister who served as Attorney General of the Irish Free State (1926–1932) and later Taoiseach (1948–1951, 1954–1957)—had professional dealings primarily in the post-Civil War period, often intersecting through legal and political circles rather than direct collaboration during the Civil War itself. Their interactions reflect the divided loyalties of the era: Comyn was staunchly anti-Treaty and a key advisor to de Valera’s Fianna Fáil, while Costello was a Cumann na nGaedheal (pro-Treaty) supporter who helped establish the Free State’s legal framework.
During the Civil War and Free State’s Emergence (1922–1923)
No direct personal dealings are documented between Comyn and Costello during the Civil War or the immediate transition to the Irish Free State in 1922. They were on opposing sides: Comyn defended anti-Treaty republicans (e.g., Erskine Childers) in Free State military tribunals and supported the Dáil Courts until their abolition, while Costello, as a junior counsel, represented the Provisional Government in habeas corpus cases against republican detainees.
erenow.org Costello’s role in the Attorney General’s office (under Hugh Kennedy) involved prosecuting or advising on cases against anti-Treaty figures, potentially putting them in adversarial positions in court. For example, Comyn’s challenges to Free State jurisdiction (e.g., in Childers’ case) clashed with Costello’s efforts to legitimize the new state’s authority.
jstor.org However, sources like the John A. Costello Papers at UCD Archives (P190) do not reference specific confrontations with Comyn during this turbulent time, suggesting their paths crossed indirectly through shared legal networks rather than head-on conflicts. ucd.ie +1Post-Civil War Dealings (1920s–1930s) Their documented interactions occurred later, in the 1930s, centered on business and legal matters rather than revolutionary politics. In 1935, under de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government, Comyn (alongside Robert Briscoe, a Jewish-Irish republican TD) secured mining leases for gold and copper in County Wicklow’s Avoca and Ballintemple areas through the Department of Industry and Commerce. comeheretome.com +1 Costello, by then a senior counsel and opposition figure, critiqued these leases in Dáil debates (e.g., October 30, 1947), questioning their validity and potential favoritism toward Comyn and Briscoe as Fianna Fáil allies.
oireachtas.ie The UCD Costello Papers include correspondence and files (e.g., P190/17–27) on these mining ventures, indicating Costello’s involvement in reviewing or opposing them legally/politically, though not as direct adversaries in court. ucd.ie +1 This reflects a shift from wartime opposition to peacetime professional rivalry in Ireland’s emerging state.If you have additional details or need further clarification on any aspect, let me know!
16 web pages
Erskine Childers trial details
Ned Broy intelligence role
Quick Answer
Overview of Erskine Childers’ Pre-Trial Period (November 10–19, 1922)
Erskine Childers was arrested on November 10, 1922, at Glendalough House in County Wicklow by Free State forces while in possession of a small pistol, which formed the basis of the capital charge against him under the Army Emergency Powers Resolution. theirishstory.com +1 The period between his arrest and the start of his military tribunal trial on November 19 was brief—only nine days—and marked by intense political antagonism toward Childers due to his anti-Treaty stance, his role in republican propaganda, and perceptions of him as an “English spy” or instigator of the Civil War.
theirishstory.com Historical records indicate no formal pre-trial negotiations for his release, a plea deal, or political settlement with Free State authorities.Instead, the focus was on rapid prosecution amid the escalating Civil War, with the government viewing Childers as a high-profile target whose execution could deter republican resistance. bbc.com +1 However, there were limited interventions, primarily in the form of requests for access to visit him and early legal preparations, as detailed below.
Key Interventions and Communications
Family Efforts:On November 16, 1922, Childers’ sister, Mrs. C. Davidson-Houston, wrote to Free State authorities requesting permission to visit her brother in custody. This appears to be one of the few documented family interventions during the pre-trial phase, reflecting concern for his welfare but not constituting a negotiation for release or clemency. militarypensions.wordpress.com
Clerical or Personal Requests:Edward Waller, the Church of Ireland Dean of Kildare, also sought permission to visit Childers shortly after his arrest. While the exact date is not specified in records, it occurred post-arrest and likely pre-trial, aimed at providing spiritual or personal support rather than influencing the legal process. militarypensions.wordpress.com
Legal Preparations:Childers’ defense team, including Michael Comyn KC, Patrick Lynch KC, and C.A. Maguire, began preparing arguments focusing on jurisdictional issues, such as the validity of trying a civilian in a military court and the absence of a formal state of war. en.wikipedia.org +1 These efforts were primarily for the trial itself and a subsequent habeas corpus application, rather than pre-trial bargaining. No records show communications with prosecutors or government officials aimed at avoiding trial altogether.
Absence of Broader Political or International Negotiations: Sources do not document any direct talks between republican leaders (e.g., Éamon de Valera), Free State figures (e.g., W.T. Cosgrave or Kevin O’Higgins), or international parties to intervene pre-trial. The government’s determination to proceed swiftly is evident, as Childers was tried and sentenced to death on November 20, with execution following on November 24 before appeals could fully conclude. en.wikipedia.org +1 Post-sentencing pleas for clemency—such as a telegram from the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic on November 20 and a letter from the Irish Labour Party on November 23—came after the trial had begun or concluded, and all failed. militarypensions.wordpress.com
Context and Reasons for Limited ActivityThe brevity of the pre-trial window, combined with the Free State’s policy of summary justice under emergency powers, minimized opportunities for negotiations.
bbc.com Childers was held in isolation, and the political climate—fueled by mutual distrust and recent atrocities like the Ballyseedy killings—made compromise unlikely.
theirishstory.com His English background and perceived influence in the anti-Treaty camp further hardened attitudes against him, with figures like Winston Churchill expressing glee at his capture.
en.wikipedia.org Archival files from the Department of Defence highlight multiple pleas overall but emphasize their ineffectiveness, underscoring the execution as a deliberate act to suppress opposition.
militarypensions.wordpress.comIf this refers to a different aspect of Childers’ life (e.g., his role in the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations), provide more context for clarification!
4 web pages
Elaboration on Michael Comyn KC’s General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919)
The statement refers to Michael Comyn KC’s early legal work immediately following his return to Ireland in late 1916, where he represented numerous Irish republican prisoners—primarily Sinn Féin activists and Irish Volunteers—in British military courts, High Court proceedings, and appeals up to the House of Lords. These defenses occurred amid waves of arrests after the Easter Rising, during a period of intensified British repression under martial law and the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Charges typically included sedition (e.g., promoting republican ideology), illegal possession of arms, unlawful assembly or drilling, and involvement in post-Rising disturbances or seditious publications. en.wikipedia.org +2 Comyn’s tactics often involved technical challenges to jurisdiction (e.g., arguing that military courts lacked authority over civilians in peacetime), procedural delays to generate publicity, and highlighting poor prison conditions or human rights abuses to pressure for releases or commutations.
en.wikipedia.org He aimed to disrupt proceedings where possible to benefit the broader IRA and Sinn Féin cause, such as by turning trials into platforms for republican propaganda.
canisgallicus.com The lack of documented individual names in primary sources (e.g., official court transcripts, military records, or government archives) stems from several factors:
Secrecy of Military Trials: Many proceedings were held in camera (closed sessions) or under emergency powers, with limited public records to prevent republican sympathizers from using them for agitation. British authorities often classified details to avoid exposing intelligence sources or fueling unrest. en.wikipedia.org
Record Destruction or Incompleteness:During the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and subsequent Civil War, many British and Free State records were destroyed, lost in fires (e.g., the 1922 Four Courts bombardment), or deliberately withheld. Republican records were also clandestine and sparse. canisgallicus.com
Focus on Collective Rather Than Individual Cases: Comyn’s early work often involved group defenses or habeas corpus applications for batches of prisoners, rather than high-profile individual trials. Secondary sources (e.g., biographies and histories) note his success in preventing executions but rarely name clients from this phase, emphasizing instead his overall impact on republican morale and legal strategy. en.wikipedia.org
While specific names from 1916–1918 remain elusive, examples from the broader period illustrate the type of work: In 1917, groups from counties Clare and Tipperary faced charges for illegal drilling and claimed POW status as “Irish Republican Army” members, aligning with the kinds of cases Comyn handled.
surreycc.gov.uk By 1919–1921, his defenses escalated, as seen in the Clifford and O’Sullivan case (1921), where he represented over 40 prisoners from Mitchelstown, Co. Cork, on arms charges, securing their release via jurisdictional challenges and royal intervention.
en.wikipedia.org No republican he defended during the “troubles” (broadly 1916–1923) was executed, a testament to his effectiveness.
en.wikipedia.org Was Michael Comyn KC a Member of Sinn Féin?
Comyn was not formally documented as a card-carrying member of Sinn Féin, but he was deeply active in nationalist politics and closely aligned with the movement. en.wikipedia.org +1 His involvement began around the time of the Easter Rising, and upon returning from the U.S. in late 1916, he immersed himself in defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers, which positioned him as a key sympathizer.
canisgallicus.com He practiced in the underground Dáil Courts (republican alternatives to British courts) from 1920 onward, defying the Irish Bar Council, which further tied him to Sinn Féin’s parallel state-building efforts.
canisgallicus.com Post-1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, he took an anti-Treaty stance, aligning with the republican wing that evolved into Fianna Fáil. He later served as a Fianna Fáil Senator (1928–1934), indicating his political evolution from Sinn Féin-associated nationalism to de Valera’s party. en.wikipedia.org +1 In essence, while not explicitly a member, his actions and associations made him a de facto participant in Sinn Féin’s broader ecosystem.
Did He Know Arthur Griffith? Yes, Michael Comyn KC knew Arthur Griffith, the founder of Sinn Féin, through shared nationalist circles and political activities. canisgallicus.com +1 Some sources claim they were together in Kansas City, Missouri, during the 1916 Easter Rising on a Sinn Féin fundraising and propaganda tour, but this appears to be a historical inaccuracy—Griffith remained in Dublin during the Rising, opposing its timing and aligning with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order, before his arrest and internment. canisgallicus.com +1 Their connection likely stemmed from pre-Rising nationalist networks, as both were prominent figures in Irish separatism: Griffith as a journalist and leader, Comyn as a barrister providing legal support. Post-Rising, Comyn’s defenses of Sinn Féin prisoners would have intersected with Griffith’s leadership, though no direct collaborations are detailed beyond general associations. How Did He Become Legal Adviser to Éamon de Valera?Comyn became a legal adviser to Éamon de Valera through his prominent role in defending republicans during the Irish War of Independence and Civil War, which built trust and positioned him as a key legal mind in the anti-Treaty camp. canisgallicus.com +1 Starting in late 1916, his work in military courts and Dáil Courts demonstrated his commitment to republican causes, leading to advisory roles on governance, jurisdiction, and strategy.
canisgallicus.com By the Civil War (1922–1923), he defended high-profile anti-Treaty figures like Erskine Childers (a close de Valera ally), solidifying ties.
independent.co.uk Post-war, as de Valera split from Sinn Féin to form Fianna Fáil in 1926, Comyn provided counsel on legal matters like party formation, land annuities (e.g., advising George Gavan Duffy), and recovering IRA funds (suing de Valera’s government in 1932 and winning). canisgallicus.com +1 His family connections—his brother James Comyn SC also advised de Valera—further entrenched him.
independent.co.uk This evolved into formal roles, including his 1928 Senate appointment under Fianna Fáil.
oireachtas.ie
7 web pages
Details on Clifford and O’Sullivan case
Erskine Childers defense
Quick Answer
Outcome and Controversies
Childers was sentenced to death on November 20 and executed by firing squad on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks in Dublin, before his appeals could conclude. en.wikipedia.org +1 His final words to the firing squad were: “Take a step or two forward, lads, it will be easier that way.”
en.wikipedia.org The execution sparked outrage, with de Valera later calling him “the noblest” man he knew, and it was debated in the Dáil as a denial of justice for a mere possession charge. en.wikipedia.org +1 Controversies included the rushed timeline (preventing full appeals), political vendettas (e.g., O’Higgins’ portrayal of Childers as the civil war’s architect), and accusations of Childers being targeted for his anti-Treaty writings and English heritage. en.wikipedia.org +2 Post-execution pleas from groups like the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic and the Irish Labour Party were ignored.
20 CIA and FBI insiders CONFIRMED that Barack Obama and a former CIA Director orchestrated the entire Russia Hoax — and then hid it in a CIA vault for nearly a DECADE! pic.twitter.com/ZFti0iB0i9
"Hamas could have used the billions of dollars since 2006 to build up Gaza. They built a tunnel network bigger than the London underground. They want the death of their own citizens in order to get world opinion turned against Israel" pic.twitter.com/uDaH7QRwVB
Fox News host Brian Kilmeade’s callous remark that unhoused people with mental illness should “just be killed” highlights how violent rhetoric fuels real-world attacks and erodes public will for real housing solutions.
Dehumanizing Rhetoric from Public Figures Fuels Attacks, Fear, and Policies that Put Unhoused People at Greater Risk
When Fox & Friends co-host Brian Kilmeade said unhoused people with mental illness should “just be killed,” the backlash was swift. He later apologized, calling his words “extremely callous.” But for people living on the street and those who work alongside them, words like these leave lasting damage.
Advocates say rhetoric like Kilmeade’s is more than offensive; it’s dangerous. The National Homelessness Law Center condemned his remarks, warning that violent language “normalizes brutality” and increases the risk of attacks.Federal data already shows that unhoused people are far more likely to be victims of violence than perpetrators.
That danger is not theoretical. Days after Kilmeade’s comment, eight people were shot at a homeless encampment near downtown Minneapolis. Authorities have not tied the shooting to Fox News, but the timing underscored how unsafe life on the streets already is.
In Los Angeles and other cities, unhoused residents have seen their tents deliberately set on fire.Pastor Stephen “Cue” Jn-Marie, who has spent nearly two decades working in Skid Row, says he has witnessed those attacks firsthand. “You cannot create conditions that increase the chance of violence and not have violence,” he told Invisible People.
A Sector at Breaking Point
Kilmeade’s words landed in a system already stretched thin. As Invisible People founder Mark Horvath and homelessness researcher Iain De Jong noted on the Homeless Unfiltered podcast, the pandemic showed the sector at its best—nimble, creative, and quick to house people in hotels and motels. But those gains evaporated.
“We came out of that with burnout, mass staff departures, and a deeply polarized society,” De Jong said. Since then, rents have soared, benefits have lagged, and the Supreme Court’s Grants Pass ruling has fueled an escalating wave of criminalization.
Nonprofits, De Jong added, are competing like it’s “the Hunger Games.” HUD has leaned more heavily on faith-based providers, raising fears of coercion over care. “The sector is cracking under pressure,” Horvath warned. “Politicians keep demanding more shelters instead of real housing. And that’s not solving the problem.”
Words That Echo History
In 2021, John Oliver devoted a Last Week Tonight segment to homelessness, arguing that the crisis is “grounded in a failure of perception compounded by failures of policy.” He traced the modern narrative back to Ronald Reagan, who cut federal housing subsidies and infamously claimed some people were “homeless by choice.”That idea—treating homelessness as a personal failing instead of policy neglect—still shapes today’s discourse.
Kilmeade’s quip sits squarely in that lineage. When leaders frame unhoused people as disposable, public sympathy erodes—and enforcement fills the vacuum where housing should be.
“When they don’t have solutions, the only solution is violence,” Cue said.
Manufactured Disorder
Oliver also underscored a hard truth: conditions that inflame public frustration—encampments, human waste, visible mental distress—are often produced by policy.Cities that restrict or remove 24/7 toilets, criminalize resting, or sweep encampments without offering real housing don’t solve problems; they manufacture disorder. Residents are told to fear the people suffering, while the people suffering are told they aren’t allowed anywhere.
“You can’t cause distress and then blame people for being distressed,” Cue said.
Beyond Shelters and Sweeps
Advocates caution that more shelters and tougher sweeps won’t reduce homelessness. Horvath is clear about the politics: “Politicians keep demanding more shelters instead of real housing. And that’s not solving the problem.” De Jong describes front-line organizations fighting for scraps while staff burn out.
The proven alternative is Housing First: permanent housing without preconditions, paired with voluntary supports like health care, addiction treatment, and income assistance. Study after study shows this approach improves stability and saves money compared to endless cycles of jail, ER visits, and sanitation crackdowns.
“What people need is a job and a healthy community,” Cue said. At his Peace and Healing Center and Skid Row People’s Market, he tries to model exactly that: belonging, pathways to work, and neighbors who know your name.
A Moral Reckoning
From his faith perspective, Cue is unflinching:
“Jesus said true religion is to visit the orphans and widows in their distress. That means you also visit the homeless in their distress—not cause them distress.”
Kilmeade may claim his words were offhand, but for those living outside, they echo a culture that too often treats their lives as disposable. “They’re desensitizing the public so when they actually do it, it’s not shocking,” Cue said.
Horvath puts it plainly: “Recycled soundbites won’t solve homelessness. What’s needed now is honesty, investment in housing, and a narrative that treats unhoused people as human beings.”
Stephen Oduntan is a Los Angeles-based freelance journalist covering homelessness, public health, and environmental justice. His work focuses on frontline communities, systemic accountability, and underreported stories across Southern California.
Record Cocaine Bust in Russia Highlights New Trafficking Route From Ecuador
News
Russian officials found 1,500 bricks of cocaine concealed in bananas shipped from Ecuador. An intelligence report describes Russia as “an important player” in the diversification of trafficking routes.
Banner: REUTERS/Karen Toro
September 26, 2025
A record cocaine seizure by Russian authorities reflects recent reports that the country is now one of the main destinations for shipments leaving Ecuador, which is the world’s largest exporter of the drug.
The Federal Security Service (FSB) announced September 19 that it had made Russia’s largest-ever bust, releasing a video of 1,515 kg of cocaine in 1,500 bricks hidden inside banana boxes shipped from Ecuador to the Port of Saint Petersburg.
The bust highlighted the findings of an intelligence report obtained by OCCRP that said “Russia has become an important player” in the “diversification” of routes used by drug traffickers to avoid increasingly strict controls in Western Europe.
“This shift highlights the flexibility of criminal organizations to adapt to barriers imposed by security forces and to expand their operations into more lucrative markets,” said the report by the International Center of Research and Analysis Against Maritime Drug Trafficking (CIMCON).
More than seven metric tons of cocaine originating from Ecuador were seized in Russia during the first half of 2024, according to CIMCON, a Colombian Navy intelligence initiative that includes researchers and naval officers from other countries.
The CIMCON analysis stated that Mexico and Spain were the two top destinations for drugs leaving Ecuador while Russia has emerged as the third leading country.
Those findings are echoed by the World Customs Organization (WCO), a Brussels-based intergovernmental group. A June WCO report analyzed 2,252 drug detections in shipping containers worldwide in 2023 and 2024, and also highlighted the growing pattern of cocaine traffic to Russia.
The majority of the cocaine arriving in Russia chronicled by the WCO report was stashed in banana cargo. Five metric tons of cocaine were seized in banana crates coming from Ecuador to Russia in 2023, while 12 metric tons were seized in crates in 2024.
Ecuador is now the largest global exporter of both cocaine and bananas, according to analysis by organizations including the WCO.
“It is likely that Russian organized crime groups are increasingly looking to exploit their banana trade with Ecuador to fuel both increased domestic cocaine consumption and the stockpiling of cocaine to be funnelled into lucrative Western European markets,” said the WCO report.
Russia has become the largest single-country buyer of Ecuadorian bananas, purchasing 1.5 million metric tons during 2024 and the first half of 2025. Russia was only surpassed by the European Union, according to a report from Ecuador’s main banana export association (AEBE)
Bananas are a preferred product for concealing illegal drugs shipped in containerized cargo, according to the WCO. In the period studied by the organization, bananas were the reported cargo of roughly 35 percent of commodity-designated containers where drugs were found.
The cocaine in Russia’s record bust last week was transported on a ship named Cool Emerald from the Port of Guayaquil, according to information released by the FSB.
In consulting global maritime traffic data, OCCRP found that a Panamanian flagged ship named Cool Emerald departed August 10 from Libertador Simón Bolívar Container and Multipurpose Terminal, which is located in the Port of Guayaquil and operated by the private company Contecon.
Contecon did not reply to a request for comment before publication.
According to the maritime traffic data, Cool Emerald arrived in Saint Petersburg 19 days after leaving Ecuador.
The Port of Guayaquil was described as “high risk” for infiltration and corruption in a 2024 European Union security assessment prepared by a Danish consultancy, which cited the murders of a security officer and the kidnapping of a scanner operator.
Both victims were among a “high number” of people linked to the workforce of the Port of Guayaquil who are vulnerable to threats and coercion from organized crime.
