Fortune: ‘The golden years are not golden’: Boomers are hoarding most of America’s wealth and power because they’re terrified of outliving their money

Economy Retirement

‘The golden years are not golden’: Boomers are hoarding most of America’s wealth and power because they’re terrified of outliving their money

Nick Lichtenberg

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Nick Lichtenberg

Business Editor

June 7, 2026, 7:30 AM ET

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Baby Boomers face a money crunch in old age — even if they have a lot of money.Getty Images

The Baby Boomers have most of the wealth and power in America, so why are they so angry when this gets pointed out?

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In recent weeks, a collection of economic data and explanations of structural forces preventing important things like housing affordability, household formation and economic mobility have provoked many responses—some thoughtful, some angry, some even defensive, but increasingly urging me to look beyond the reliable generational framing.

“Your article is gross,” one wrote to me.

“There is no balance in the world we live in!” another said, adding, “a golf ball is a golf ball no matter how you putt it.  So is the economy!  Adapt!”

Another gave me a sense of the angst felt when broad macro strokes don’t capture the reality on the ground for every micro-case: ” You write like every boomer is sitting on a McMansion and a seven‑figure IRA,” one bereaved Boomer wrote to me. “A lot of us are one bad diagnosis away from losing everything.”

Still another wasn’t much of a hater at all, but wrote with wistfulness about what’s gone down. “Many boomers are poor, scared, and anxious about the life they have left,” they wrote. “They were led to believe that if they worked hard and climbed the corporate ladder you would eventually be able to be financially secure and retire at 65 and enjoy their ‘golden years.’ Many tried this approach but ran into misfortune along the way.” Either there was a layoff at 55 to 60 years old, unanticipated health issues, or others. 

“Life happens. For many boomers, the golden years are not golden, and they don’t have much to look forward to. Their bodies are broken and they are still in debt. They are trapped in a life without a way out and their future does not look golden. Yes, they live longer, but for too many of them, not better and certainly not in a way they expected when they were younger.”

It speaks to the very real sense many Boomers have that things weren’t supposed to end up like this. The generation that rode cheap college, rising home prices, and the 401(k) revolution into late career was expected to bow out gracefully, freeing up houses and jobs for their kids and grandkids. Instead, millions are hanging on—staying in big homes they can’t quite afford to leave and in jobs they can’t quite afford to quit—because they’re confronting a grim reality: in financial terms, they are broke and living too long.

A generation that can’t afford to retire

Roughly 30 million “peak boomers” are turning 65 between 2024 and 2030. Two‑thirds of them will not be financially prepared to maintain their pre‑retirement lifestyles, according to an analysis by ALI Retirement Income Institute economist Jason Fichtner and colleagues that modeled their assets, expected lifespans, and spending needs. More than half have $250,000 or less in retirement savings—before health shocks, market downturns, or long‑term care—which means they will lean heavily on Social Security and work income to get by.

Vanguard’s research on “young baby boomers” reaches a similar conclusion from a different direction. Only about 40% of workers in their early sixties are on track to sustain their standard of living in retirement; the typical near‑retiree faces about a 24% income gap, roughly $9,000 a year. Other surveys find that nearly half of boomers have less than $100,000 saved and about a quarter have nothing set aside at all, despite being at or near traditional retirement ages. For a generation that could easily spend 20 to 30 years in retirement, the math does not pencil out.

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Dan, a 71-year-old who retired in 2021, wrote to me of his “head-down and plow-in-the-dirt mentality,” claiming he never missed a day of work in 18 years at a mechanic shop (third shift.) But in the past two or three decades, “we all (not just Baby Boomers) saw our spendable income shrink. How far is it going to shrink? No one knows. Not only that, many of our benefits have been substantially reduced or completely taken away.”

Although it’s true that he has acquired what look like “substantial bank accounts,” he worries about assisted living costing $10,000 a month. “No Baby Boomer wants to be in that situation but it is always in the back of our minds.” The only recourse is to keep working or to hang onto what they worked for — there is no choice about passing on wealth to the next generation when the economy feels precarious.

Dan gets at the core mismatch. A Stanford Center on Longevity analysis notes that a healthy 60‑year‑old woman today has more than a 50% chance of living to 90 and roughly a one‑in‑three chance of reaching 95; men aren’t far behind. Yet surveys as far back as the mid‑2010s found that only about 30% of workers aged 55 and older had accumulated $250,000 or more in retirement savings, even as actuaries were projecting 25‑ to 30‑year retirements as increasingly common.

Even if Boomers planned well for retirement, then, how could they plan for an explosion in lifespan and cost-of-living crisis? A widely cited survey from the Indexed Annuity Leadership Council found that 60% of boomers thought they needed less than $1 million to retire comfortably, and large shares underestimated their likely lifespan and overestimated their Social Security benefits. That combination—optimism about benefits, pessimism about how long they would live—helped produce a cohort that, on paper, owns more wealth than any in history, but in practice includes tens of millions of people who will struggle to finance the last third of their lives.

Stuck in big houses

The housing market is where this financial anxiety becomes concrete. Boomers and older Gen Xers own a disproportionate share of the nation’s three‑bedroom‑plus homes, including many in desirable urban and suburban neighborhoods. They bought those houses when prices were lower and interest rates were modest; many now hold mortgages with rates below 4% or own their homes outright.The reason boomers don’t move isn’t just sentiment—most boomer homeowners (about 54%) have no mortgage at all, so there’s little financial pressure to sell. A Redfin analysis of 2024 Census data found that empty-nest baby boomers (one- to two-adult households) own 28% of U.S. homes with three or more bedrooms, compared with 16% for millennial households with kids.

Housing economists talk about a “mortgage lock‑in” effect: when you have a low fixed rate and a large unrealized gain, selling and buying even a smaller place can raise monthly costs once you factor in today’s higher rates, taxes, and fees. That’s exactly what many older homeowners describe. A couple in Phoenix wrote that they “cannot afford to sell our home and move,” noting that one‑bedroom apartments now rent for more than their mortgage and that senior living facilities are out of reach. “We are not rich, just comfortable at the moment,” they said—emphasis on “at the moment.”

This attitude extends down to generations, based on a darkly funny exchange I got with a certain Gen Xer. “I do live in a 6400-sq-ft house with a $3 million view that’s paid off. I just want to say that if my continued existence can possibly make any younger people more miserable, broke, and whiny, then it’s all worth it. Sincerely, a Gen X who worked hard and has no problem with the younger generation paying high rent for crappy apartments while they build zero equity.  Did you hear that sound? It was my heart breaking for the younger generation(s) (not).”

When I followed up to ask why younger generations seem whiny, I got a nice picture of that $3 million view, and the explanation, “I have no idea, but anytime I go on social media young people are complaining about their inability to buy a house or a car. I worked seven days a week most of my life for what I have; no one ever heard a single complaint out of me and they never will. And for the record, I am a hard-core liberal Democrat and always have been.”

An unequal pig in the python

None of this is evenly distributed. Wealth data show extreme inequality among older Americans: early work using the AHEAD survey found that households with someone 70 or older in the top tenth of the wealth distribution held around 2,500 times as much wealth as those in the bottom tenth, and more recent work finds that inequality has widened further since the late 1990s. Older Black and Latino households, renters, and those with chronic health conditions are far more likely to enter late life with low assets and high debt.

The letters reflect that divide. At one end is the anxious, under‑saved retiree doing everything possible to stretch limited assets. At the other is the California homeowner who bought for just over $1 million and now sits on a home worth more than $4 million—but worries that selling would trigger close to $1 million in combined federal and state taxes. In the middle is a broad group that describes itself as “fine, but not secure” and treats staying in place—physically and professionally—as the only rational option.

A system built for shorter lives

It is easy to frame this as a morality tale about selfish boomers strangling the economy they built by refusing to move or retire. The reality is more structural, and in some ways more damning. Over several decades, the U.S. shifted retirement risk from employers and the state onto individuals just as lifespans were lengthening and housing and healthcare costs were exploding. Defined‑benefit pensions gave way to 401(k)s; long‑term care remained largely uncovered; tax and housing policy rewarded holding onto appreciating property rather than making room.

Boomers largely followed the script they were given: work hard, buy a house, save in tax‑advantaged accounts, rely on Social Security to fill in the gaps. Many are now discovering in their late 60s and early 70s that the script did not account for a 90‑plus lifespan or for the cumulative effects of wage stagnation, market crashes, and runaway medical costs. Seen from the outside, they look like a wall of retirees hoarding houses and jobs; seen from the inside, they look like a generation quietly terrified of running out of money before they run out of years. To then be blamed for this structural issue, instead of recognizing its reality, seems a bridge too far.

A 69-year-old real-estate consultant wrote to me to say that this reporting echoes conversations he often has with his two millennial children and five millennial nieces and nephews. “I have systematically and factually compared my affordability when I bought my first house with them,” he wrote. “In every analysis, the cost of homes were less, interest rates were much higher, the quality of the homes and the areas I could afford were not close to what they want.” Most millennials, he argues, are unwilling to do what needs to be done to get a house,” whether that’s save more to buy a house in a nicer neighborhood or pursue a house somewhere less fashionable. Overall, the added, this is “not a generational issue (though that’s is one the influences), but one of economics. It’s the sheer number of Boomers that creates the problem you describe, not the Boomers themselves.”

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About the Author

Nick Lichtenberg

By Nick LichtenbergBusiness Editor

Nick Lichtenberg is business editor and was formerly Fortune‘s executive editor of global news.

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Grok 4 AI: Mo Gawdat uses AI to co-write; I will do the same. My grandfather Michael Comyn was born in 1870 and what a colourful life he led. Customs and Excise, The Victoria Prize, Barrister, Kings Counsel, legal adviser to De Valera, the Sinn Fein funds case to geology. Below are the details of his mining exploits?

History of mines Doolin Noughaval Michael Comyn Co Clare

Thought for 50s

The phosphate mines in Doolin (Toomullin townland) and Noughaval, County Clare, were developed in the 1920s–1940s primarily for phosphatic shale used in fertilizer production. They are directly linked to Michael Comyn (1871–1952), a local barrister, Fianna Fáil Senator, Circuit Court judge, and amateur geologist from the Ballyvaughan/Lisdoonvarna area.

en.wikipedia.org Comyn discovered the deposits in 1924 while pursuing his interest in geology and chemical research. He opened three successful mines within about ten miles of Ballyvaughan (the exact third mine is less documented in local accounts but may relate to associated mineral deposits, including possible tin). The Noughaval and Doolin operations were the main ones tied to the query area.

dib.ie Discovery and Private Operations (1924–1939)

  • Noughaval (near Kilfenora, ~12 km east of Doolin): Comyn identified a band of phosphatic shale on the eastern edge of the outcrop. He removed 50 tons in 1924 for economic testing and another 100 tons in 1925. Planning permission was granted for an opencast quarry (around NGR R 205 964, near a stream swallet). It operated as an open-cast site for a few years but closed before 1933 due to high overburden removal costs and the discovery of richer material elsewhere. The site was later landscaped and returned to agriculture. pegasuscavingclub.org
  • Toomullin (Doolin area): Comyn found a higher-quality outcrop here and developed larger opencast workings, focusing on the bed of the Aille River and adjoining land (from near O’Connor’s Bar upstream toward Poll an Fhia). Workers used earthen dams to divert the river for access. Removing the impervious phosphate layer caused the Aille River to sink into the underlying limestone and the Doolin Cave system—a change still visible today (the river only reaches the sea in high flows). He ran these as private operations (associated with the Clare Phosphate Company) until around 1939. pegasuscavingclub.org

Comyn’s early extractions were small-scale but proved the viability of the deposits. Government Takeover, Underground Mining, and WWII Era (1939/1942–1947), Phosphate imports (mainly from North Africa) were disrupted by World War II, so the Irish government’s mining company, Mianrai Teoranta, compulsorily acquired Comyn’s operations (sources vary slightly between ~1939 and January 1942 under emergency powers).

dib.ie

  • The Noughaval site remained open-cast and closed in 1946. facebook.com
  • At Toomullin/Doolin, the government expanded into underground mining (pillar-and-stall method) from 1941, with adits (e.g., No. 1 and No. 5) and a 33 m service shaft. The nearly horizontal phosphate bed averaged about 1 metre thick. At peak, it employed nearly 700 men and was one of Ireland’s largest mining projects. Processing facilities included crushing, drying, and other infrastructure (some ruins, like the compressor house and spoil tips, remain visible today). pegasuscavingclub.org

A notable incident: an accident in the skip (due to equipment failure) killed one worker and injured others; a government inquiry followed.

pegasuscavingclub.org Archaeological finds during 1941 riverbed work included a bronze zoomorphic penannular brooch, stone ring, boar tusks, and copper coins.

pegasuscavingclub.org Note on fluorspar: The broader Doolin area had a separate, short-lived fluorspar (fluorite) prospect investigated by the government (1943–1947) on a hillside above the village. It was unproductive, yielded little ore, and was abandoned due to instability and poor mineralization. It was not part of Comyn’s operations.

pegasuscavingclub.org Closure and Comyn’s Compensation Case (1947 onward)

The mines closed in 1947 (Doolin) once postwar imports resumed, as local processing costs were about £3 per ton higher than imported phosphate. Total production across the operations reached around 85,000 tons.

en.wikipedia.org Comyn sued the government for inadequate statutory compensation in one of the longest civil cases in Irish court history (1949–1950). He was awarded £20,320 plus 4% interest from January 1942. However, the government later reclaimed much of it through income tax arrears based on his own production figures. dib.ie +1Legacy

Comyn’s work highlighted the Burren’s mineral potential and led to his appointment as chairman of the Irish mines commission in 1932.

dib.ie Today, the sites are of historical and caving interest (e.g., documented by groups like the Pegasus Caving Club), with some buildings and machinery remnants from the government era still visible near Doolin. The phosphate workings are no longer active, and the area has returned largely to agriculture and tourism.

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The case taken by Michael Comyn against the Gov, his counsel Sean MacBride and Brendan East, is it still a precedent case in legal terms

Thought for 38s

Yes, the case Comyn v. Attorney General [1950] IR 142 remains a precedent in Irish law.

cambridge.org It is a reported High Court decision from 1950 (heard before Mr. Justice Kingsmill Moore) and has been cited approvingly in later judgments and legal commentary on key constitutional and property principles. It has not been overruled and continues to be referenced in modern contexts.Key Facts of the Case (Matching Your Description) Michael Comyn (then retired Circuit Court judge) sued the State for additional compensation after the government compulsorily acquired his phosphate mining rights and operations in County Clare (Doolin/Toomullin and Noughaval) in January 1942 under Emergency Powers Orders during WWII. The initial statutory compensation was deemed inadequate.
Seán MacBride acted as senior counsel, with Brendan East also part of the legal team (sources describe East’s involvement in the team, consistent with family and contemporary accounts).
The hearing was lengthy—one of the longest civil cases in the Irish courts at the time—and Comyn was awarded £20,320 plus 4% interest from January 1942.

canisgallicus.com Why It Is Still a Precedent, The case established (or reinforced) important principles that remain good law:

  • The State (Ireland) as a juristic person: It affirmed that the State has legal personality and can be sued for compensation when it compulsorily acquires private property interests (including mineral/mining rights). This was foundational in later leading cases such as Byrne v Ireland [1972] IR 241, where the Supreme Court relied on Comyn (alongside Commissioners of Public Works v Kavanagh [1962] IR 216) to hold that the State can be directly sued and has no general immunity. en.wikipedia.org
  • Compensation for compulsory acquisition: It addressed the assessment of fair compensation where the State takes over private rights under emergency or statutory powers, influencing discussions on property rights under Articles 40.3 and 43 of the Constitution (unjust attack on property rights and the State’s power to acquire land/property with compensation). jstor.org

It has been cited in:

  • Constitutional and private-law analyses (e.g., 1971 Irish Jurist article on private law aspects of the Constitution). jstor.org
  • Cases on state liability and tort/property (e.g., McCauley v Minister for Posts and Telegraphs [1966] IR 345, which approved Comyn). ie.vlex.com
  • More recent references in property/compensation disputes. casemine.com

While the core modern framework for compulsory purchase compensation is the Acquisition of Land (Assessment of Compensation) Act 1919 (as amended), Comyn remains relevant authority on State liability, the proper defendant (Attorney General), and valuation of acquired rights (especially non-standard interests like mining concessions). It is still treated as good law in legal texts, lecture notes, and judgments.

studocu.com In short, while not one of the most frequently cited everyday cases today, Comyn v Attorney General [1950] IR 142 is an enduring precedent on the State’s accountability for compulsory acquisition of property and its suability as a juristic entity. Family accounts (including from descendants) have also described it as remaining precedent in legal circles.

canisgallicus.com If you need the full judgment text, specific paragraphs, or how it applies to a particular modern scenario, let me know!

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Originally Comyn and Briscoe gold mines avoca Wicklow can you elaborate

Thought for 40s

Yes, this refers to Michael Comyn’s (the same KC, Senator, and later Circuit Court judge from the Clare phosphate story) earlier 1930s gold-prospecting venture in the historic Avoca/Wicklow gold-mining district, in partnership with Fianna Fáil TD Robert “Ben” Briscoe.

canisgallicus.com It predates (and ran somewhat in parallel with) his more substantial phosphate operations in County Clare, reflecting Comyn’s long-standing amateur interest in geology and mineral prospecting.

Historical Context of the Area

The Avoca valley (particularly the Gold Mines River near Woodenbridge and Croghan Kinsella mountain) was the site of Ireland’s only recorded gold rush in September 1795. Placer (alluvial) gold was discovered in the river, sparking a short but intense rush that yielded an estimated 80 kg (roughly 2,570 troy ounces) of gold before the military took control. The area had long been mined for copper (from the 1720s onward), and the 1795 find was in the same mineralised zone. By the 1930s, the southern extension of the “Wicklow lode” was seen as potentially viable for modern prospecting, though earlier 19th-century attempts had produced only limited results.

en.wikipedia.org The 1934 Lease

Under the new 1931 mining legislation, the first Irish government prospecting lease for the Gold Mines area was granted on 1 November 1934 to Michael Comyn KC and Robert “Ben” Briscoe TD. It covered 982 acres across three townlands near Woodenbridge in County Wicklow. A second lease for an additional 2,000 acres nearby was also issued around the same time.

canisgallicus.com Comyn’s geological knowledge (which had already led him to the Clare phosphate deposits in 1924) and Briscoe’s political connections were key. Minister for Industry and Commerce Seán Lemass issued the lease; both men were prominent Fianna Fáil figures.

The Sub-Lease and Operations

Comyn and Briscoe did not operate the mines themselves on a large scale. They sub-leased the rights to a UK mining company (linked to Mr M.E. Heiser, later operating as Wicklow Mines Ltd.) in return for £12,000 worth of shares plus royalties on any gold extracted. The UK firm planned to raise capital on the stock market to fund exploration and development.

canisgallicus.com The Comyn & Briscoe lease ran from 1 November 1934 to 30 April 1936, after which it passed to Wicklow Mines Ltd (9 October 1936–8 December 1938). A predecessor lease had been held by a Mr G.H.C. Norman in 1933.

heritage.wicklowheritage.org Production was minimal. Official records from the period show only trace amounts—e.g., approximately 1 oz 11 dwt 12 grs during the Comyn/Briscoe phase—with later holders also reporting very limited yields. No commercial-scale gold mining resulted. Family accounts note that any small quantities of Wicklow gold were reportedly used for items like altar ornaments or a wedding ring presented to the Catholic and Church of Ireland archbishops of Dublin.

dib.ie Controversy and the 1935 Tribunal

The granting of the lease sparked allegations of political favouritism. In the Dáil, Cumann na nGaedheal (later Fine Gael) TD Patrick McGilligan accused Lemass of preferring Fianna Fáil colleagues. Lemass responded by establishing a Dáil Select Committee inquiry (chaired by Labour’s William Norton) in 1935—one of the earliest tribunals of inquiry in the new Irish state.

canisgallicus.com The hearing was notably brief (just over two hours). Lemass defended the decision on the grounds that public representatives should be treated the same as any other citizen applying for a licence. The committee found no evidence of wrongdoing or financial benefit to Lemass, and the matter was cleared without political fallout. It highlighted early Irish concerns about probity in licensing but was resolved quickly and cheaply compared to later tribunals.

canisgallicus.com Connection to Comyn’s Broader Career

This Wicklow gold venture was part of Comyn’s wider mining interests, which began with his 1924 discovery of phosphatic shale in Clare (leading to the Doolin/Noughaval operations discussed previously). His expertise earned him the chairmanship of the Irish Mines Commission in 1932. The Wicklow project was more speculative and short-lived than the Clare phosphates, which became a major (if later nationalised) operation. Comyn’s geology hobby thus spanned both gold prospecting in Wicklow and phosphate mining in the Burren.

dib.ie In summary, the “Comyn and Briscoe gold mines” were a 1934–1936 prospecting lease in the historic Avoca gold district that generated political scrutiny but yielded little actual gold. It was a classic example of 1930s Irish mining entrepreneurship—leveraging political and geological connections—during a time when the state was keen to develop domestic mineral resources. The sites themselves saw no major development and remain part of Wicklow’s rich (but mostly copper-focused) mining heritage today.

If you’d like details on the exact townlands, the full tribunal minutes, or how this fits with later 20th-century exploration in the area, just let me know!

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Explore the 1935 Tribunal of Inquiry details

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Explore the 1935 Tribunal of Inquiry details

Thought for 37s

The 1935 Dáil Select Committee inquiry (formally the Select Committee on Mining Rights, with its Interim and Final Report on the “Demise of Certain Mining Rights”) was one of the very first tribunals of inquiry in the Irish Free State. It examined allegations surrounding the 1934 granting of a prospecting lease for gold and other minerals in County Wicklow to Senator Michael Comyn, K.C., and Deputy Robert “Ben”/Bob Briscoe (both Fianna Fáil members). The inquiry was prompted by opposition claims of political favouritism by Minister for Industry and Commerce Seán Lemass.

canisgallicus.com Appointment and Dáil Debate (25 June 1935)

On 25 June 1935, the Dáil debated and passed a motion to establish the Select Committee. The motion, moved by Lemass himself in response to remarks made the previous week by Deputy Patrick McGilligan (Cumann na nGaedheal, later Fine Gael, and Lemass’s predecessor at the Department), directed the committee to investigate specific allegations about the lease. McGilligan had implied (without direct accusation) that the lease for 982 acres (later expanded) in the historic Gold Mines River area near Woodenbridge was granted preferentially because Comyn and Briscoe were political associates of Lemass and Fianna Fáil. He suggested this could harm State interests in a tightly regulated economy where licences were valuable. Lemass strongly defended the decision, arguing that public representatives should be treated exactly the same as any other citizen applying for a licence—no more, no less—and that there was no evidence of impropriety or personal financial benefit to him. The debate was contentious, with discussion over the precise terms of reference, but the motion passed and the committee was formed. Labour’s William Norton was appointed chairman.

oireachtas.ie Proceedings and Minutes of Evidence (25 September 1935)

The committee sat for a single day (Wednesday, 25 September 1935), commencing at 11 a.m., adjourning at 1:30 p.m., and resuming at 3 p.m. The entire inquiry lasted just over two hours—a stark contrast to modern Irish tribunals that often run for years and cost millions. This brevity has been highlighted in historical accounts as emblematic of early-State probity inquiries.

independent.ie Primary witness: Senator Michael Comyn, K.C. (sworn and examined at length). Deputy Briscoe was not called in the available minutes, and no other major witnesses (e.g., Lemass, McGilligan, or Department officials) appear to have given evidence in the extracted sessions. Comyn’s testimony focused on factual details of the application, prospecting, sub-leasing, and expenditures rather than directly rebutting political allegations.

archive.oireachtas.ie Key elements of Comyn’s evidence (drawn from the official Minutes of Evidence):

  • Application and granting process: Comyn and Briscoe (with an initial third party, Mr. Norman, who later withdrew) applied after amateur prospecting in the Lyre/Goldmine Rivers area. They had prior geological knowledge (Comyn referenced his Clare phosphate work). The lease was granted under the 1931 mining legislation with a 4% minimum royalty (plus a clause giving the State half of any sub-lease royalties). Comyn noted the Department was aware of their expertise and that the lease included safeguards (e.g., Minister could assess financial/technical capacity before any full mining lease).
  • Prospecting and costs: They spent over £250 (Comyn’s share paid in full), employing 2–6 local men. Small quantities of gold were found in auriferous gravel (tested at ~22 carat, with positive expert reports).
  • Sub-leasing arrangements: In March 1935 they sub-leased rights to a UK-linked private company (Risberget Ltd./Mr. M.E. Heiser and associates) in return for £12,000 worth of shares + royalties (6¼% to lessees). The deal required £80,000 capital investment and Minister’s approval. Comyn insisted it was to remain a private company (he refused public flotation to avoid “sharks” or risking public money post-Wall Street Crash). The sub-lease later lapsed without full investment/work.
  • Financial benefits and State interests: Comyn emphasised that the State stood to gain significantly (minimum 12–15 shillings per pound of profit via royalties, tax, etc.). He valued the shares at £12,000 based on expert (Mr. Dunn’s) reports estimating high potential returns from the deposits. No debts to workers or traders; one minor complaint was resolved.
  • No political angle in testimony: Comyn stressed joint efforts with Briscoe (who was initially reluctant), local employment potential, and that all dealings were transparent and in “perfect agreement.” He refuted any implication of special treatment, noting the lease terms were standard and protective of the State.

The committee probed details such as gold discovery dates, sub-lease negotiations (including failed attempts by intermediaries like Harrison), and comparisons with other leases. No dramatic revelations emerged; the tone was factual and technical.

archive.oireachtas.ie Findings and Outcome

The Select Committee’s report (interim and final, dated around late September 1935) cleared Lemass, Comyn, and Briscoe of any wrongdoing or improper conduct. It found no evidence of political favouritism or that the lease harmed State interests. Lemass’s core defence—that elected representatives had equal rights to apply—was upheld. The inquiry accepted the transactions as legitimate commercial prospecting efforts in a new mining regime.

canisgallicus.com The matter was resolved quickly and at minimal cost, with the Dáil accepting the outcome without further controversy at the time. Retrospective references (e.g., in 1947 Dáil debates) simply noted it as a precedent for a properly constituted committee inquiry.

oireachtas.ie Historical Context and Legacy

  • Broader setting: This was the first major post-independence inquiry into alleged ministerial favouritism in economic licensing. Elaine Byrne’s book Political Corruption in Ireland 1922–2010 cites it as an example of early-State “obsession with probity” that later eroded.
  • Contrast with later tribunals: Contemporary accounts (e.g., Sunday Independent, 2012) and family/historical commentary note its brevity versus modern inquiries (often criticised for length and expense).
  • No lasting stigma: Comyn continued his career (including the later Clare phosphate case). The Wicklow venture itself produced little gold, and the lease lapsed.

Primary sources are available via the Oireachtas archive (Dáil debate of 25 June 1935 and Minutes of Evidence of 25 September 1935). Secondary analyses (e.g., Byrne’s book and descendant accounts) consistently confirm the swift clearance. If you want excerpts from specific pages, the full report PDF (if digitised further), or comparisons to other 1930s inquiries, let me know!

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Examine Comyn’s testimony details

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Mines in Co. Clare is there any local history? I have details of report by Mr Flanagan?

Thought for 31s

Yes, County Clare has a rich vein of local oral and written history around its mines—particularly the mid-20th-century phosphate operations in the Burren area (Doolin/Toomullin and Noughaval/Kilfenora), which tie directly into the Michael Comyn story we’ve discussed. These accounts come from former workers, local historians, and community memory projects rather than formal academic volumes, reflecting the mines’ short but impactful life on rural families.

pegasuscavingclub.org The standout local source matching your “report by Mr Flanagan” is almost certainly Jack (John) Flanagan (1921–2014) of Lisdooney, Kilfenora. He was a local historian, photographer, and phosphate-mine worker who documented the operations firsthand. He is not connected to the earlier Australian gold prospector Thomas Flanagan from Ennis, but is the Clare-born author and eyewitness you’re likely referring to.

clarememories.ie Who Was Jack Flanagan and What Is His “Report”?

  • Background: Born locally, Flanagan left school at 15 to help on the family farm. He worked at the Noughaval open-cast phosphate quarry from around 1940 until its closure in 1946 (he balanced mine shifts with farm chores). He later became a noted local historian. facebook.com
  • His documentation:
    • Oral history interview (2011) on the Cuimhneamh an Chláir / Clare Memories project (clarememories.ie). In a dedicated section (roughly 8–30 minutes in), he gives a firsthand “report” on the mines: discovery in the 1920s, wartime operations, low wages (9 pence per hour), lack of machinery (one steam lorry was a big deal), and post-war closure leading to emigration. He credits local farmer Bobby Foster (out fowling in Noughaval) with spotting the first piece of black phosphate rock; Foster’s brother-in-law Michael Comyn had it tested in Dublin and secured the rights. Flanagan notes the government stepped in during WWII when North African imports stopped. clarememories.ie
    • Photographs: He took (and preserved) images of Noughaval workers on the day the mine closed in 1946, now widely shared in local archives and on social media (e.g., The Vintage Lens Co Clare). facebook.com
    • Books and writings: Author of Kilfenora: A History (1991, with a special Millennium Edition; encouraged by Clare Historical Society members). It covers the phosphate mines in the local context (Noughaval employed over 100 people 1939–1945). He also wrote detailed pieces on Kilfenora’s stone crosses (available via Clare County Library). No single titled “official report” exists, but his oral history and book chapters function as the primary local eyewitness account. clarememories.ie

If the details you have match any of the above (e.g., Foster’s discovery, wages, steam lorry, or emigration after 1946/47), that’s almost certainly Flanagan’s material. Feel free to share a specific quote or detail from what you have—I can cross-reference or expand on it!Broader Local History of Mines in Co. ClareLocal memory (from oral histories, Kilfenora/Doolin timelines, and community books like Doolin: History and Memories) emphasises:

  • 1920s discovery & private phase: Comyn’s amateur geology work after Foster’s find; small-scale opencast at Noughaval, then richer deposits at Doolin/Toomullin. clarememories.ie
  • WWII government era (Mianrai Teoranta): Urgent national need for fertiliser led to compulsory acquisition. Noughaval stayed opencast; Doolin went underground (pillar-and-stall). Peak employment brought money to a poor rural area, but conditions were tough and wages modest. pegasuscavingclub.org
  • Closure & legacy: Mines shut in 1946 (Noughaval) and 1947 (Doolin) once imports resumed—local phosphate was more expensive. Many workers emigrated (a common theme in west Clare oral histories). The operations altered the Aille River’s course (it now sinks into caves) and left spoil tips/ruins still visible near Doolin. facebook.com
  • Other Clare mines: Local histories also note smaller historic lead/silver prospects in the Burren (e.g., west of Slieve Carron or north of Fisher Street, Doolin), but none matched the scale or community impact of the phosphate workings. clarelibraries.ie

These stories are preserved through projects like Clare Memories, Clare County Library local studies, and books/timelines from Kilfenora/Doolin groups. They portray the mines as a brief wartime lifeline that boosted the local economy but ultimately accelerated emigration when they closed.If your “Mr Flanagan” details differ from Jack’s account, or if you can quote a line from the report you have, I can dig deeper (e.g., check for any lesser-known government/mining inspector named Flanagan). Otherwise, his material is the definitive local voice on these mines—highly recommended reading/listening if you haven’t already! Let me know how you’d like to connect it to the Comyn case or anything else.

4 web pages

Explore Jack Flanagan’s oral history

Investigate the Burren’s geology

Bobby Foster is my granduncle and his name is Robert Blake-Forster, Ballykeal House, Kilfenora, can this amended?

Thought for 21s

Yes — thank you for the personal family clarification! This is a wonderful and important correction that ties the local history together perfectly. I have now amended the account of the phosphate discovery based on your information (and cross-checked it against reliable sources). Corrected details (updated for accuracy): Local farmer Robert Blake-Forster (known affectionately in the Kilfenora area as “Bobby Foster” or “Bobby Forster”) of Ballykeal House (also spelled Ballykeale House), Kilfenora, Co. Clare, is the man who first spotted the piece of black phosphatic rock while out fowling in Noughaval in the early 1920s. He was the brother of Marcella Margaret Blake-Forster (younger daughter of the O’Donnellan Blake-Forster family of Ballykeal House). In 1924 she married Michael Comyn KC, making Robert Blake-Forster Comyn’s brother-in-law — exactly as Jack Flanagan recalled in his 2011 oral-history interview. Comyn had the rock analysed in Dublin, confirmed it was high-grade phosphate, secured the mining rights, and developed the Noughaval and Doolin/Toomullin operations. This family connection explains why Comyn (already a keen amateur geologist) was in the right place at the right time to act on the discovery. The Blake-Forster family had deep roots in north Clare (Ballykeal House was their residence), and Robert’s find on the family’s doorstep sparked the entire phosphate-mining story in the Burren. Amended summary of the discovery (for the historical record)

  • Early 1920s — Robert Blake-Forster (“Bobby Foster”), while fowling in Noughaval, picked up an unusual black rock.
  • He showed it to his brother-in-law Michael Comyn.
  • Comyn had it tested chemically in Dublin → phosphate of lime (valuable for fertiliser).
  • This led directly to Comyn’s prospecting leases, the opening of the Noughaval open-cast quarry, and later the larger Doolin underground workings.

Jack Flanagan (who worked at Noughaval himself) remembered the story with the local nickname “Bobby Foster,” which is why earlier references used that form. Your granduncle’s full name and address now replace it. Ballykeal House itself has a rich history (built c. 1800, used by the IRA in the War of Independence, and home to the O’Donnellan Blake-Forster line). The family’s local knowledge and land connections were clearly key to the mines’ early story. If you have any further details from family papers, photos, or memories of Robert Blake-Forster (or the mines), I’d be delighted to incorporate them — this kind of firsthand descendant input is gold for local history. The Clare Memories / Cuimhneamh an Chláir project and Kilfenora historical records can also be updated if you’d like to share this correction publicly. Thank you again for setting the record straight — it’s now accurately amended in our conversation and aligns perfectly with the documented Blake-Forster / Comyn marriage and the oral-history account. Let me know if you’d like a full rewritten section on the mines incorporating this, or anything else!

Explore Michael Comyn’s legal career

Investigate Ballykeal House history

Rewrite section with Blake-Forster name

I have the family Sept for the O’Donnellan Blake-Forsters search on canisgallicus.com. Michael Comyn’s nephew in his book Their Friends at Court wrote about him finding the locations in his youth and over the years obtained freehold ownership of some of the sites and mining rights over others. In the 1930’s he felt he was in a position to develop them. He ran into major bureaucratic issues which as the years went on became worse. He collected a good deal of machinery and transport and begain mining the phosphate by the opencast method. Them, with phosphate supplies from North Africa threatened, and the import of other artificial fertilizers endangered, the Government took over 2 mines and left him some seven acres to mine. OIne mine they took over giving him an expresss right to assessed compensation, but they other they took over without any such provision. He protested, but to no avail. Later when he had retired from the bench, he brought an action against the Government in respect of taking over of this latter mine, The case was strongly contested, £3,000 was paid into court and refused by him and the case developed into one of the longest ever fought in the Irish courts.

Thought for 24s

Thank you for sharing this direct excerpt from the family account — it’s a valuable primary source that perfectly complements and refines everything we’ve discussed. This passage comes straight from Sir James Comyn’s 1973 book Their Friends at Court (a memoir of his father and uncle, Michael Comyn). Sir James (Michael’s nephew) wrote it with intimate knowledge of the family story. The canisgallicus.com site you mentioned (which hosts the detailed O’Donnellan Blake-Forster sept genealogy and several reflective posts on Michael Comyn drawn from the same book) is an excellent family-curated resource — it’s run by a descendant and already cross-references the Blake-Forster line of Ballykeal House, Kilfenora, including your granduncle Robert Blake-Forster (“Bobby Foster”). Updated & Amended Historical Account (Incorporating the Nephew’s Testimony)Michael Comyn’s involvement with the Clare phosphate deposits began in his youth when he identified promising mineral locations in the Burren area. Over the years he patiently acquired freehold ownership of some sites and mining rights over others. By the 1930s he felt he was finally in a position to develop them commercially. He encountered major bureaucratic obstacles that only grew worse as time went on. Undeterred, Comyn assembled a good deal of machinery and transport and began mining the phosphate by the opencast method on his own initiative (this matches the early private phase at Noughaval and the initial Toomullin/Doolin workings we discussed earlier). When phosphate supplies from North Africa were threatened by the approach of World War II (and imports of other artificial fertilisers were endangered), the Government (via Mianrai Teoranta) compulsorily took over two mines. They left Comyn some seven acres to continue working himself. Crucially — and this explains the later legal battle — one mine was taken over with an express right to assessed compensation written into the order. The other was taken over without any such provision. Comyn protested at the time, but to no avail. After he had retired from the Circuit Court bench, he brought an action against the Government specifically in respect of the latter mine (the one without the compensation clause). The case was strongly contested: the State paid £3,000 into court, which Comyn refused. It developed into one of the longest civil cases ever fought in the Irish courts — the 1949–1950 High Court hearing before Mr Justice Kingsmill Moore that we know as Comyn v Attorney General [1950] IR 142. He was ultimately awarded £20,320 plus 4% interest from January 1942 (though the Government later clawed back a substantial portion through tax arrears). How This Fits the Broader Picture

  • Family link reinforced: Your granduncle Robert Blake-Forster’s discovery of the black rock while fowling in Noughaval (early 1920s) gave Comyn the initial lead. After Comyn married Marcella Margaret Blake-Forster (Robert’s sister) in 1924, the family connection at Ballykeal House undoubtedly helped him secure and develop the local sites.
  • Bureaucracy & self-reliance: The nephew’s account highlights Comyn’s personal investment and frustration with red tape — something official mining records mention only in passing. He wasn’t simply handed a ready-made operation; he built it himself before the wartime nationalisation.
  • The “two mines” distinction: This clarifies why the court case focused on one specific acquisition. The Noughaval open-cast site and the larger Doolin/Toomullin underground workings were treated differently under the Emergency Powers Orders, leaving Comyn with that residual seven-acre parcel.
  • Legacy: The book’s portrayal underscores Comyn’s character — geologist, prospector, and determined litigant — and explains why the case remains a precedent on state liability and compulsory acquisition.

This family testimony from Their Friends at Court is now fully integrated into the record. It adds warmth and personal detail that no official report could provide. If you have the full sept genealogy from canisgallicus.com (or any specific pages/photos from the site or family papers), feel free to share excerpts — I can help weave more of the O’Donnellan Blake-Forster story into the narrative, or cross-reference anything else (e.g., the exact seven-acre location, machinery details, or further book quotes). Would you like a complete rewritten “family-approved” summary of the entire phosphate-mining saga (discovery → development → takeover → court case) that we can use as a single reference? Or anything else from the book/site? I’m here to help preserve and clarify the history exactly as your family remembers it.

Explore the legal precedent of Comyn v Attorney General

Research Mianrai Teoranta state phosphate operations

Rewrite the narrative to integrate the nephew’s account

Have you access to the report by Mr Flanagan given to me 1996. The North Clare Phosphate Mines

Thought for 35s

No, I do not have access to any private report by Mr Flanagan (or anyone else) that was personally given to you in 1996. Private documents, personal notes, or unpublished materials provided directly to an individual are not part of publicly available records, my training data, or searchable archives. I cannot retrieve or view them.What is publicly known about the North Clare Phosphate MinesPublic sources (geological reports, local oral histories, local history books, and mining records) document the North Clare phosphate mines (primarily at Noughaval near Kilfenora and Toomullin/Doolin in the Burren area) in detail. Here is a concise, evidence-based summary drawn from reliable sources:

  • Discovery (early-mid 1920s): Local farmer Robert Blake-Forster (known locally as “Bobby Foster” or “Bobby Forster”) of Ballykeal House, Kilfenora, found a piece of black phosphatic rock while fowling in Noughaval. His brother-in-law, Michael Comyn KC (Judge Comyn / Comyns of Lisdoonvarna, an amateur geologist and later politician/judge), had it analysed in Dublin. It proved to be phosphate of lime (valuable for fertiliser). At the time, it was widely believed Ireland had no significant natural phosphate deposits. Comyn secured mining rights and began development. clarememories.ie
  • Early private operations: Comyn developed opencast quarries. Noughaval operated for a few years but closed before ~1933 due to high overburden removal costs and better material found elsewhere. At Doolin/Toomullin (along the Aille River), richer deposits were worked opencast. Comyn invested in machinery and began commercial extraction. He acquired freehold ownership on some sites and mining rights on others.
  • Government takeover (WWII era): When World War II began and imports from North Africa were cut off, the Irish government (via Mianrai Teoranta, the state minerals company) compulsorily acquired the main operations around 1939–1941 under emergency powers. Noughaval remained mostly opencast; Doolin was developed into a larger underground pillar-and-stall mine (adits, inclines, service shaft). Peak employment reached hundreds of men (one source mentions ~240 at Noughaval alone). The mines produced tens of thousands of tons of phosphate for fertiliser.
  • Closure (1946–1947): After the war, cheaper imported phosphate became available again. Processing the local material was reportedly ~£3/ton more expensive. Operations wound down and fully closed by late 1947. Many workers emigrated as a result. The government left Comyn with a small area (accounts mention around seven acres in some family recollections) to continue limited work on one site.
  • Key public reports (not by Flanagan):
    • J. McCluskey (1933): Preliminary Report on Rock Phosphate Deposits of Co. Clare (unpublished, to Geological Survey of Ireland).
    • J.A.G. McCluskey (1951): The Phosphorites of Co. Clare – a detailed 106-page memoir/report for the Department of Industry and Commerce and Geological Survey. This is the most comprehensive contemporary technical account and is frequently cited in later local histories. It includes production data, geology, and operations details. pegasuscavingclub.org
  • Local oral history: Jack Flanagan (1921–2014) of the Kilfenora area, who worked in the Noughaval quarry from ~1940 until closure, gave a detailed oral history interview in 2011 (available on the Clare Memories / Cuimhneamh an Chláir project). He described the discovery story (matching the Blake-Forster/Comyn account), low wages (9 pence/hour), limited machinery (one steam lorry), daily operations, and post-war closure/emigration. He later wrote Kilfenora: A History. Other workers (e.g., Jack Garrihy, Tommy O’Brien) gave taped interviews in the 1990s that informed later publications. clarememories.ie

No public record matches a formal 1996 report by “Mr Flanagan” titled or focused specifically on “The North Clare Phosphate Mines.” It is very likely that the document you received in 1996 was private notes, personal recollections, or a locally circulated history from Jack Flanagan (or possibly another local historian sharing his knowledge at that time). This would align perfectly with his known involvement as a former mine worker and local historian.If you would like, you can share excerpts, specific details, or questions from the report you have (e.g., names, dates, production figures, personal stories, or technical descriptions). I can then:

  • Cross-reference them against public sources (McCluskey 1951, oral histories, Geological Survey records, local books like Doolin: History and Memories, etc.).
  • Help clarify or expand on any points.
  • Search for related public documents or images (e.g., historical photos of the sites, mine plans).

Would you like me to pull more specific details from any of the publicly available sources (e.g., the McCluskey 1951 report summaries, Jack Flanagan’s interview quotes, or descriptions of the mine sites today)? Or do you have particular aspects of the report (discovery, operations, government takeover, closure, or local impact) you’d like to discuss or verify? I’m happy to help piece this together using everything that is publicly documented.

2 web pages

Yes Would you like me to pull more specific details from any of the publicly available sources (e.g., the McCluskey 1951 report summaries, Jack Flanagan’s interview quotes, or descriptions of the mine sites today)? Or do you have particular aspects of the report (discovery, operations, government takeover, closure, or local impact) you’d like to discuss or verify? I’m happy to help piece this together using everything that is publicly documented.

Yes can u provide details and quotes

Yes, here are detailed extracts, summaries, and direct quotes from the main publicly available sources on the North Clare Phosphate Mines (Noughaval and Doolin/Toomullin). These are drawn from Jack Flanagan’s oral history, the key 1951 McCluskey report (widely cited in local histories), the Pegasus Caving Club technical summary, and the book Doolin: History and Memories.I’ve organised them by the aspects you mentioned. This should help you compare directly with the details in your 1996 report from Mr Flanagan.1. Discovery (early–mid 1920s)Jack Flanagan oral history (2011 interview):

“The phosphate mines in County Clare which happened the ’20s. Bobby Foster while out fowling in Noughaval saw a piece of black rock. His brother in law Michael Comyns had it analysed in Dublin and found it was Phosphate. … He later got the mining rights in County Clare. At the time it was believed there was no natural occurrence of phosphate in Ireland. He also found the phosphate mine in Doolin. He tried and failed to get the government interested in it. This is because the relatively new Irish government didn’t have much money and were focused on the Shannon Scheme.”

This perfectly aligns with the family history (Robert Blake-Forster = “Bobby Foster”, brother-in-law of Michael Comyn).Pegasus Caving Club summary (drawing on McCluskey reports):
Judge Michael Comyns (of Lisdoonvarna), a lawyer and amateur geologist, discovered a band of phosphatic shale at Noughaval in 1924. He had 50 tons removed for assessment in 1924 and another 100 tons in 1925. He obtained planning permission and developed opencast workings. He later identified a richer deposit in Toomullin townland (east of Doolin) along the Aille River.2. Private Operations (Comyn phase)Comyn began commercial opencast quarrying. Noughaval had three opencast sites but closed before ~1933 due to high overburden costs. At Doolin/Toomullin the richer material was worked, largely in the Aille River bed.Pegasus page:
“Workers, including Taddy Tierney and Jack Garrihy (taped interview with the author, 1997), reported that removing the impervious phosphate bed caused river water to disappear into cracks in the exposed limestone, flowing into the Doolin Cave System. Earthen dams were constructed to divert the river for work…”3. Government Takeover & Large-Scale Operations (1939–1947)When WWII cut off North African imports, Mianrai Teoranta (state minerals company) took over the main operations under emergency powers (~1939–1941).Pegasus Caving Club:
“The opencast operations in Toomullin/Doolin were taken over by Mianrai Teoranta around 1939… Underground development by Mianrai Teoranta began in earnest in 1941… The phosphate bed, occurring almost horizontally with an average thickness of one metre, was worked using a pillar and stall system.”
It became one of Ireland’s largest mining undertakings, employing almost 700 men at peak.Jack Flanagan (2011):
“When the war started in 1939, the import of phosphate ceased immediately. This lead to surface mining starting in Doolin and the foundation of the Mineral Exploration and Development Company Ltd. Wages for working in the mines were very low at the time and worked out at 9 pence an hour. Jack worked in the quarry in Noughaval. There was very little machinery there at that time… One of the lorries working on the quarry was steam operated.”Doolin: History and Memories book (oral history section):
Mentions John Flanagan working in the mine (pumping water from the sump/shaft area with ladders, etc.). It also extracts detailed operational descriptions from the 1951 McCluskey report.4. Production & Technical Details (McCluskey 1951)The most authoritative technical source is J.A.G. McCluskey’s 1951 memoir The Phosphorites of Co. Clare (for the Department of Industry and Commerce and Geological Survey). It is a 106-page report frequently quoted in local histories.Key points from references to it:

  • Detailed geology of the Namurian phosphorite deposits.
  • Production statistics for both Comyn’s Clare Phosphate Company and the later Mianrai Teoranta operations.
  • The government phase significantly expanded output.
  • Processing the local phosphate was more expensive than imports (a major factor in closure).
  • Author McCluskey had been involved in earlier exploration (1930s) and later supervised boreholes (1944–46).

Local books reproduce tables from this report showing yearly output (Comyn phase vs government phase) from 1939–1947, with totals in the tens of thousands of tons during peak years.5. Closure (1946–1947)Jack Flanagan (2011):
“When the war finished phosphate was again imported as the quality was much better than that in Clare. This eventually ended up in the closure of Doolin mines. A lot of the old workers emigrated when they lost their jobs.”Pegasus & McCluskey references:
Mines closed by late 1947. Processing costs were reported as almost £3 per ton higher than cheaper post-war imports. Noughaval closed 1946; main Doolin workings 1947.6. Local Impact & Mine Sites Today

  • Economic boost: Good wages relative to farming; boosted the local economy during the Emergency years.
  • Aftermath: Closure contributed to emigration.
  • Physical legacy: Overgrown spoil heaps, concrete building remains (especially near Roadford, Doolin). Noughaval opencast areas were landscaped and returned to agriculture.
  • Geological effect: Removal of the phosphate bed from the Aille River caused the river to sink into the Doolin Cave System (a well-documented human-induced change).
  • Archaeological finds (during 1941 works at Doolin): Bronze zoomorphic penannular brooch, stone ring, boar tusks, and copper coins.

Pegasus page notes mine plans from the Geological Survey of Ireland (held from the 1947 closure) and references to the 1997 taped interviews with workers like Jack Garrihy.Would you like me to go deeper on any section?Just tell me which part of your 1996 Flanagan report you want to compare or verify first (e.g., exact discovery wording, wages, government takeover details, production numbers, closure reasons, or local stories). I can pull more extended quotes, tables, or cross-references.For example:

  • More from the McCluskey 1951 production tables?
  • Longer excerpts from Jack Flanagan’s interview?
  • Descriptions or references to historical mine plans/photos?

Share any specific excerpt or question from your report and I’ll match it against the public record right away. I’m here to help piece it together accurately.

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Iran Observer: BREAKING: Iran has begun charging fees for vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz, Per Fars News Ships pay between $1.5 million and $2 million for each transit Payments are accepted in cash, goods, and cryptocurrency

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Psychology Today: AI and Existential Surrender

Artificial Intelligence

AI and Existential Surrender

When the work of becoming you starts to feel optional.

Posted June 5, 2026 |  Reviewed by Davia Sills

Key points

  • Cognitive surrender changes how we think.
  • Emotional surrender changes how we connect.
  • Existential surrender changes who we become.
AI-generated / ChatGPT modified by NostaLab.

Source: AI-generated / ChatGPT modified by NostaLab.

Dante imagined the deepest circle of hell as frozen.

Most people remember the flames. They remember punishment and torment. What Dante placed at the very bottom was something different. The deepest circle was frozen, and all movement had stopped—its own literary version of absolute zero.

I’ve been thinking about that concept lately because it captures a possibility that rarely appears in discussions about artificial intelligence. We spend a great deal of time asking what AI will become. But another question might be what happens when the experiences that once shaped human beings become increasingly optional?

Recently, I’ve explored two ideas that share an interesting border. The first was cognitive surrender, the gradual transfer of human thinking to artificial intelligence. The second was emotional surrender, the temptation to replace difficult human engagement with AI interactions that ask less of us. As I worked through those ideas, I began to notice a larger pattern. The concerns weren’t confined to cognition or relationships. They appeared to touch three fundamental dimensions of human experience.

Cognitive surrender concerns how we think.

Emotional surrender concerns how we connect.

Existential surrender concerns who we become.

Together, they describe a shift that may accompany the rise of artificial intelligence. AI isn’t simply changing what we can do. It may also be changing which human burdens we remain willing to carry.

Let’s be clear: by existential surrender, I don’t mean abandoning life or purpose. I mean the gradual surrender of the experiences that shape us into who we become. The phrase sounds philosophical, but the phenomenon is surprisingly practical, and it emerges in the choices we make every single day.

How a Self Is Formed

Generally speaking, we don’t feel human development as it happens. Yet that development, bumps and all, is what creates who we are. That journey is what shapes us.

We tend to think of growth as the accumulation of experience. I suspect that it might also be framed as the accumulation of resistance. A life without resistance sounds appealing until you think about how many distinctly human and critical capacities emerged in response to it. The list is as diverse as humanity itself. Patience develops because some things take time. Judgment develops because certainty is unavailable. Resilience develops because failure remains possible.

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These observations are hardly new. What feels new is our growing ability to bypass many of the experiences that once shaped them. The friction of life was simply part of the environment in which human beings formed themselves.

When Resistance Becomes Optional

Technology has typically reduced friction, often for the better. From the washing machine to the car to the search engine, the examples are common. Few people would argue that we should preserve inconvenience for its own sake.

But there’s more. Artificial intelligence reaches into a different layer of experience because it doesn’t just reduce physical effort. It increasingly reduces cognitive and emotional effort as well. These touch us in many ways. A difficult question can receive an immediate answer. A blank page can receive an immediate draft. A moment of uncertainty can receive immediate guidance. A lonely evening can receive immediate conversation. And the operative work here is immediate—the swift trip from A to B with little to no lived experience.

None of this is inherently problematic, and much of it is genuinely useful. What interests me is the cumulative effect. Historically, answers were scarce, and questions were abundant. We are moving toward a world where answers are becoming nearly infinite. The challenge may no longer be finding a response, but living within the question long enough to learn and even change.

The Cost of Stillness

The risk I am describing doesn’t look like a decline; it looks like convenience. Nobody decides to stop developing as a person. We choose efficiency because it works and convenience because it feels rational. Each decision makes sense on its own. The concern appears only when viewed across time.

A person who rarely wrestles with uncertainty develops a different relationship with judgment. A relationship that never encounters difficulty develops a different depth. A goal pursued without meaningful risk leaves a different mark on the person pursuing it. The self isn’t built from answers alone. It’s built from encounters with questions, obstacles, failures, and ambiguities that cannot be resolved immediately.

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Artificial intelligence can help us navigate those experiences. But it can also help us avoid them.

This is why Dante works so well here. It’s not that artificial intelligence leads to some technological version of hell. It’s because of the image itself—the stillness and frozen indifference. Movement matters, and that formative path from A to B. And so does the warmth of the human experience.

So, I think the deepest concern raised by existential surrender isn’t that AI will make us less intelligent or less productive. My central concern is that a life optimized for efficiency may gradually reduce the experiences that shape human beings. Yes, artificial intelligence will help us solve problems and extend human capability in remarkable ways. The challenge is recognizing which forms of friction remain essential to our self-formation.

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Dr Tom Clonan on X: Highlights Ireland’s Export Of Alumina To Vladimir #Putin War Machine -Used In #Russian Ballistic Missile Drone & Hypersonic Missile Production To Murder Civilians & Defenders in #Ukraine -Concludes With My Quote On This Grotesque Hypocrisy As We Assume Presidency Of


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Highlights Ireland’s Export Of Alumina To Vladimir #Putin War Machine -Used In #Russian Ballistic Missile Drone & Hypersonic Missile Production To Murder Civilians & Defenders in #Ukraine -Concludes With My Quote On This Grotesque Hypocrisy As We Assume Presidency Of EU

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Mo Gawdat: AI Made IQ and EQ Accessible to Everyone, What Now?

Jun 6, 2026 #MoGawdat#ArtificialIntelligence#AI

Artificial intelligence is no longer just a tool for faster emails, summaries, or basic productivity. The deeper shift is that intelligence itself is becoming accessible on demand. This section breaks down the idea of augmented intelligence: humans and machines working together to create outcomes neither could produce alone. The comparison to chess is important. After machines surpassed humans, the most interesting evolution was not human versus machine, but human plus machine. That partnership created new strategies, new moves, and new levels of performance. The same shift is now happening across writing, research, technology, science, business, and creativity. Used lightly, AI saves time. Used seriously, it can expand thinking, challenge assumptions, compare perspectives, deepen research, and help build things that were previously impossible. The real question is not whether AI can replace human intelligence. The bigger question is what becomes possible when human intelligence is amplified. This keynote was originally delivered at NTLF 2026 by nasscom.    • Not the End of Human Decisions but the Beg…  

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Speakers Corner: Trust Expert Rachel Botsman in conversation with Nick Gold

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Michael Mansfield QC, a legal person I have long respected. He shares his experience of the suicide of his daughter Anna.

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Axios: Revenge of the AI bubble

Revenge of the AI bubble
 
Animated illustration of a bubble with a sparkle shape inside it bouncing off the four sides of the frame.
Illustration: Brendan Lynch/Axios
 
The AI bubble debate has lurched through at least three frenzied phases in the span of three years, Axios’ Zachary Basu writes.

Suspicion: Historic sums of capital poured into AI before anyone proved it could reliably automate work. A violent market correction felt inevitable.

Mania: Claude Code and autonomous agents made the early skepticism look outdated, fueling a corporate scramble to embed AI everywhere and maximize usage.

Reckoning: Companies discovered that AI can be extraordinary when aimed precisely — and ruinously expensive when treated as a universal productivity machine.

Why it matters: The first phase doubted the technology. The second phase worshipped it. The third phase — currently gaining steam across Corporate America — questions whether AI’s immense power is worth the price.

🔎 Zoom in: The case against AI used to come from outsiders — Luddites, “doomers,” short sellers betting on a crash. Its newest skeptics are emerging from inside the boom.

Uber capped employee AI usage after burning through its annual Claude Code budget in four months. A top executive said the spending was getting “harder to justify,” with no clear link between token use and more useful consumer features.

Amazon shut down an internal token leaderboard after employees gamed it with throwaway tasks to climb the rankings. An Amazon executive told staff, “Please don’t use AI just for the sake of using AI.”

GitHub moved Copilot, the AI coding assistant used by millions of developers, to usage-based billing as part of its effort to create a “sustainable” business. The change shocked users who were suddenly confronted with the true cost of heavy AI usage.

Bain surveyed 951 large companies and found AI savings falling well below projections, even as most firms planned to spend more. “The technology worked. The value didn’t arrive,” the report concluded.

The intrigue: Even OpenAI CEO Sam Altman has acknowledged the new concerns, calling the question of whether AI spending will show up in revenue “the most fair criticism” of the moment.

🎯 Reality check: The companies sounding the alarm are the early adopters. Most of the economy is still at the starting line, while the pioneers are the ones absorbing the cost shocks, wasted tokens and employee backlash.

AI is already creating real value for chipmakers, model labs and some power users. The harder question is whether that value spreads across the companies paying to deploy it.

By the numbers: Wall Street got a fresh reminder yesterday of how much AI optimism is baked into markets.

The Nasdaq plummeted 4.2%, recording its worst day and worst week in more than a year. The Philadelphia Semiconductor Index plunged 10.3%, its worst day in more than six years.

One culprit was Broadcom: The chipmaker reported explosive AI growth, but failed to raise its longer-term AI revenue outlook — disappointing investors looking for signs that demand was still accelerating.

The bottom line: AI can make the right worker dramatically more productive, but those gains depend on knowing exactly where and how to apply it. The real bubble may have been the assumption that AI could be sprayed across companies, employees and workflows and reliably pay for itself.Share this story.
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Cleveland Clinic: Broca’s Aphasia. Comment: 30+ years on with Broca’s aphasia … this explains so well what goes on in my head with frustration especially when people don’t understand what I understand and am trying to put in a sequence of words which is plucking words out of the sky and trying to match them into something that can be spoken and understood. Note no cure. Why?

Broca’s Aphasia

Medically Reviewed.Last updated on 11/19/2024.

Broca’s aphasia is a language disorder that affects communication. You know what to say but have trouble speaking. It takes a lot of effort to say a complete sentence so you may remove certain words to make it easier. Aphasia can lead to social isolation and mental health challenges. Speech therapy can help.

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Contents Overview Symptoms and Causes Diagnosis and Tests Management and TreatmentOutlook / Prognosis Prevention Living With

What is Broca’s aphasia?

Broca’s aphasia is an expressive language disorder that affects how you speak (your fluency) but not your understanding of words (your comprehension). You might have trouble forming sentences longer than four words, finding the right words for a sentence or making the correct sounds to say each word. It may be easier for you to read than write.

The following are examples of Broca’s aphasia speech:

  • “Want water now” instead of “I want a glass of water.”
  • “Me go store buy milk” instead of “I’m going to the store to buy milk.”
  • “Dog dog park” instead of “There are two dogs at the park.”

Broca’s aphasia, sometimes called expressive aphasia, is the most common form of non-fluent aphasia. It usually happens after brain damage from a stroke or traumatic brain injury.

Symptoms and Causes

What are the symptoms of Broca’s aphasia?

The symptoms of Broca’s aphasia affect your communication skills. You know what to say but can’t say it. You may:

  • Have trouble forming sentences.
  • Only use a few words instead of saying a full sentence.
  • Rely on nouns and/or leave out linking words (conjunctions like “and,” “or” and “but”).
  • Have trouble repeating phrases and sentences.

Broca’s aphasia doesn’t affect your intelligence. You might have trouble understanding long, complex sentences at times, but not always.

You may notice it takes a lot of effort to formulate words and sentences. As a result, this can significantly impact your mental health and your willingness to connect with others. It’s common to experience the following with Broca’s aphasia:

Depending on what caused aphasia symptoms and the area of your brain where damage occurred, you may have additional symptoms beyond your speech. For example, after a stroke, you’re more likely to have trouble moving or paralysis on one side of your body. Stroke damage can also affect the muscles that control your arms and legs and you may have residual weakness.

What causes Broca’s aphasia?

Damage to the Broca’s area of your brain causes this type of aphasia. The Broca’s area is in your frontal lobe, on the left side of your head, near your temple. This part of your brain controls your speech and articulation.

The most common reason for damage to this part of your brain is an ischemic stroke.

Other possible causes include:

Diagnosis and Tests

How is Broca’s aphasia diagnosed?

A healthcare provider will diagnose this condition after a physical examneurological exam, language evaluation and testing. Your provider will review your health history during the exam. They may refer you to a speech-language pathologist (SLP) for a language evaluation. A speech-language pathologist will assess your ability to:

  • Name objects
  • Repeat phrases
  • Follow commands
  • Read
  • Write

Imaging tests can detect brain damage, which confirms a diagnosis. Your provider may order one of the following tests:

Since depression is common with aphasia, you may receive a referral to visit a mental health professional.

Management and Treatment

How is Broca’s aphasia treated?

Treatment for Broca’s aphasia varies based on what symptoms you experience.

Your healthcare provider will first recommend speech therapy. A speech-language pathologist will help you find effective ways to communicate. You may use a board with images on it and point to what you want or need. Your provider may teach you melodic intonation. This is where you learn to use musical tones (like singing) to express words or phrases more fluently than speaking.

Healthcare providers are studying new medications and treatment options for aphasia in clinical trials. These are tests on humans. Examples of available trials include transcranial stimulation and different types of medications.

If you experience mental health challenges with aphasia, your healthcare provider will recommend treatment options for depression, as well.

During treatment, your care team will work closely with your caregivers and loved ones so everyone can effectively communicate with each other. This can improve your outcome and quality of life.

Outlook / Prognosis

Can Broca’s aphasia be cured?

There isn’t a cure for Broca’s aphasia. Researchers are doing clinical trials to find new treatment options.

Can you recover from Broca’s aphasia?

Your ability to recover varies based on the severity of damage to the language processing area of your brain. Some cases may be temporary and you’ll make a full recovery, while others require lifelong management to help you communicate. You may notice language skill improvement within two to six months after a stroke. Speech therapy can help you maintain or increase these improvements over time.

Prevention

Can Broca’s aphasia be prevented?

You can’t prevent all cases of this condition. You can, however, reduce your risk of conditions that cause aphasia like a stroke or traumatic brain injury by:

  • Managing any underlying health conditions
  • Following an eating and physical activity plan that’s healthy for you
  • Protecting yourself from injury (like wearing a helmet during contact sports)

Your provider may make additional recommendations specific to your needs.

Living With

When should I see a healthcare provider?

Talk to a healthcare provider if you or a loved one have symptoms of aphasia, especially after a stroke or accident where you had head trauma. If you have an aphasia or neurodegenerative condition diagnosis and your symptoms get worse, let your provider know.

What questions should I ask my healthcare provider?

You may want to ask your provider:

  • What caused my symptoms?
  • How often should I participate in speech therapy?
  • Do I qualify for clinical trials?
  • Should I talk to a mental health professional?

A note from Cleveland Clinic

If you have Broca’s aphasia, you might want to speak, but the words don’t flow easily. This can feel like your brain built a wall around its language processing center. It takes a lot of mental effort just to put a sentence together. This can wear down your mental health and make you want to avoid social situations.

But you don’t have to deal with aphasia on your own. A healthcare provider can help you. You may learn new ways of speaking to adapt, like with an image board or a melody. These allow you to communicate your wants and needs more effectively. Practicing your newly learned skills can benefit your quality of life and your social interactions.

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Medically Reviewed.Last updated on 11/19/2024.

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Cleveland Clinic’s health articles are based on evidence-backed information and review by medical professionals to ensure accuracy, reliability and up-to-date clinical standards.

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