Michael Comyn KC’s Representations During and After the 1916 Easter Rising

Michael Comyn KC (1871–1952) was in the United States (Kansas City, Missouri) during the 1916 Easter Rising. He had no direct involvement in the events of Easter Week and did not represent anyone at that immediate time. Upon his return to Ireland in late 1916, he became deeply engaged in defending Irish republicans, leveraging his status as a King’s Counsel (appointed 1914) to provide high-level legal advice and representation. His work focused on challenging British military tribunals and High Court proceedings during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and the Irish Civil War (1922–1923). Notably, no republican he defended during this period (“the troubles”) faced execution, as he often used technical arguments on jurisdiction, delays, and publicity to secure releases or commutations. He also advised Sinn Féin leaders like Éamon de Valera on governance and legal matters, including the formation of Fianna Fáil post-Civil War. en.wikipedia.org +3Specific representations and clients post-1916 include:

• General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919): Comyn defended numerous unnamed republican prisoners in British military courts and High Court proceedings immediately after the Rising, including appeals to the House of Lords. These cases often involved charges of sedition, arms possession, or participation in the Rising’s aftermath. He disrupted proceedings where possible to aid the IRA and ensured no death penalties in his cases. No individual names are documented in primary sources for this early phase, but his work aligned with defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers arrested in waves post-Rising. en.wikipedia.org +2
• Re. Clifford and O’Sullivan (1921): Represented Daniel (Paddy) Clifford, Seán (Timothy) O’Sullivan, and 40 other republican prisoners (mostly unnamed in records, but from Mitchelstown, County Cork) sentenced to death by a British military tribunal for arms possession under martial law. Instructed by solicitor James G. Skinner, Comyn challenged the court’s jurisdiction via a Writ of Prohibition, escalating to the House of Lords (with his brother James Comyn SC and others). The case’s publicity contributed to King George V’s intervention, preventing executions; all were released post-Anglo-Irish Treaty. en.wikipedia.org
• Erskine Childers (1922): Defended his friend Erskine Childers (anti-Treaty republican and former Treaty negotiator) in a Free State military tribunal for illegal arms possession (a Colt revolver gifted by Michael Collins). Alongside Patrick Lynch KC and C.A. Maguire, Comyn argued jurisdictional issues in a habeas corpus application before Master of the Rolls Charles O’Connor. Childers was executed on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks before the appeal concluded; Comyn called it a “complete negation of justice.” en.wikipedia.org +1
• Georgina Frost (c. 1920s): Appealed to the House of Lords for suffragette Georgina Frost in a landmark case advancing women’s rights to hold public office (as a petty sessions clerk), though not directly tied to republicanism. en.wikipedia.org
• Inquests into Republican Deaths (1922): Represented anti-Treaty interests at inquests for Cathal Brugha (killed July 5, 1922) and Harry Boland (shot July 31, 1922), aiming to obstruct proceedings and highlight Free State excesses per IRA instructions. en.wikipedia.org
• George Gavan Duffy (c. 1920s): Settled a legal statement for George Gavan Duffy (fellow barrister and Sinn Féin figure) on Irish land annuities, though more advisory than courtroom defense. ucd.ie
• IRA Funds Recovery (1932): Sued de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government to recover £20,000 in IRA funds from the revolutionary era, winning with Seán MacBride’s assistance. en.wikipedia.org

Comyn also practiced in Dáil Courts (defying the Bar Council), e.g., representing fishermen in the Power and Dodd fishery dispute (1922), and appeared before the Dáil Courts Winding-Up Commission (1923–1925) to resolve pending cases. canisgallicus.com +1. His clients were predominantly republicans, but specific names from the immediate post-Rising period (1916–1918) remain undocumented in available sources, likely due to the secretive nature of military trials.

Attendance at Dublin Castle

Yes, Michael Comyn KC attended or had access to Dublin Castle during the War of Independence. As a respected barrister and King’s Counsel, he moved in legal and social circles that included British administrators, military personnel, and civil servants based there—the hub of British governance in Ireland, including the Dublin Metropolitan Police’s “G” Division (political detectives) and military intelligence. This access allowed him to gather intelligence on British operations, personnel, and plans through conversations, observations, or legal interactions, which he passed to Michael Collins (IRA Director of Intelligence). While exact visits are not dated in records, his professional status provided a “veneer of respectability” for such activities without suspicion. For instance, he may have attended legal proceedings or meetings related to republican defenses. His intelligence contributions were strategic but less documented than those of figures like Ned Broy, and aligned with Collins’ network of insiders. Comyn’s anti-Treaty stance during the Civil War further underscores his opposition to British/Free State authority at the Castle.

Dealings with John A. Costello During the Irish Free State Transition and Civil War.

No direct personal or professional dealings between Michael Comyn KC and John A. Costello (1891–1976) are documented during the Irish Free State’s establishment (1922) or the Civil War (June 1922–May 1923). They operated on opposing sides: Comyn was a staunch anti-Treaty republican, advising de Valera and defending figures like Erskine Childers, while Costello supported the pro-Treaty Provisional Government as Assistant to Attorney General Hugh Kennedy (from October 1922) and later as a prosecutor in military tribunals. This ideological divide likely precluded collaboration. erenow.org +3 An indirect legal connection exists through the 1922 Erskine Childers habeas corpus case: Comyn’s team referenced a precedent from Egan v. Macready (1921), where Costello served as junior counsel to Kennedy. However, this was not a direct interaction—merely a citation of prior rulings. Costello, as a rising Free State legal figure, prosecuted republicans in tribunals (e.g., under the Public Safety Act), potentially opposing Comyn’s defenses, but no specific overlapping cases are recorded.

erenow.org Their first documented interaction occurred much later, in the 1930s: Comyn, alongside Robert Briscoe TD, applied for mining leases in County Wicklow (e.g., Ballintemple estate, 1933–1935), with Costello involved in related legal or governmental correspondence as Attorney General (1926–1932) or in private practice. This was cooperative but post-Civil War, amid Fianna Fáil’s rise. Archival records (e.g., Costello Papers at UCD) confirm no earlier ties, focusing instead on Costello’s limited revolutionary role (e.g., advising on the Treaty) and Comyn’s anti-Treaty activities. ucd.ie +3

13 web pages

Details on Clifford and O’Sullivan case

Michael Collins intelligence network

More concise summary

Arthur Griffith remained in Ireland during the Rising. This needs to be changed.

Thought for 1m 0s

Arthur Griffith was based in Dublin at the time, where he took no direct part in the events (as he opposed the timing of the uprising, aligning with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order), but he was arrested shortly afterward by British authorities and interned in Frongoch camp in Wales until his release in December 1916. bbc.co.uk +4 Griffith’s presence in Ireland is well-documented; he was an active Sinn Féin leader and journalist, and his internment stemmed from his nationalist affiliations rather than direct involvement in the Rising.My previous statement erroneously suggested that Michael Comyn KC accompanied Griffith on a U.S. tour during the Rising. This was a conflation—while Comyn was indeed in Kansas City, Missouri, USA, during Easter Week 1916 (likely on personal or Sinn Féin-related business, though exact details are sparse), he was not with Griffith.

dib.ie Comyn returned to Ireland later that year and immediately began defending republican prisoners. I’ve updated the relevant section below for accuracy, incorporating this correction while maintaining the context of your original query about Comyn’s representations, Dublin Castle attendance, and dealings with John A. Costello.

Updated Summary: Michael Comyn KC’s Representations During and After the 1916 Easter Rising

Michael Comyn KC (1871–1952) was in Kansas City, Missouri, USA, during the 1916 Easter Rising itself and had no direct involvement in the events. Upon his return to Ireland in late 1916, he became deeply engaged in defending Irish republicans, leveraging his status as a King’s Counsel (appointed 1914) to provide high-level legal advice and representation. His work focused on challenging British military tribunals and High Court proceedings during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and the Irish Civil War (1922–1923). Notably, no republican he defended during this period (“the troubles”) faced execution, as he often used technical arguments on jurisdiction, delays, and publicity to secure releases or commutations. He also advised Sinn Féin leaders like Éamon de Valera on governance and legal matters, including the formation of Fianna Fáil post-Civil War.

dib.ie Specific representations and clients post-1916 include:

• General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919): Comyn defended numerous unnamed republican prisoners in British military courts and High Court proceedings immediately after the Rising, including appeals to the House of Lords. These cases often involved charges of sedition, arms possession, or participation in the Rising’s aftermath. He disrupted proceedings where possible to aid the IRA and ensured no death penalties in his cases. No individual names are documented in primary sources for this early phase, but his work aligned with defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers arrested in waves post-Rising. dib.ie
• Re. Clifford and O’Sullivan (1921): Represented Daniel (Paddy) Clifford, Seán (Timothy) O’Sullivan, and 40 other republican prisoners (mostly unnamed in records, but from Mitchelstown, County Cork) sentenced to death by a British military tribunal for arms possession under martial law. Instructed by solicitor James G. Skinner, Comyn challenged the court’s jurisdiction via a Writ of Prohibition, escalating to the House of Lords (with his brother James Comyn SC and others). The case’s publicity contributed to King George V’s intervention, preventing executions; all were released post-Anglo-Irish Treaty. dib.ie
• Erskine Childers (1922): Defended his friend Erskine Childers (anti-Treaty republican and former Treaty negotiator) in a Free State military tribunal for illegal arms possession (a Colt revolver gifted by Michael Collins). Alongside Patrick Lynch KC and C.A. Maguire, Comyn argued jurisdictional issues in a habeas corpus application before Master of the Rolls Charles O’Connor. Childers was executed on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks before the appeal concluded; Comyn called it a “complete negation of justice.” jstor.org +1
• Georgina Frost (c. 1920s): Appealed to the House of Lords for suffragette Georgina Frost in a landmark case advancing women’s rights to hold public office (as a petty sessions clerk), though not directly tied to republicanism. dib.ie
• Inquests into Republican Deaths (1922): Represented anti-Treaty interests at inquests for Cathal Brugha (killed July 5, 1922) and Harry Boland (shot July 31, 1922), aiming to obstruct proceedings and highlight Free State excesses per IRA instructions. dib.ie
• George Gavan Duffy (c. 1920s): Settled a legal statement for George Gavan Duffy (fellow barrister and Sinn Féin figure) on Irish land annuities, though more advisory than courtroom defense. vdoc.pub
• IRA Funds Recovery (1932): Sued de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government to recover £20,000 in IRA funds from the revolutionary era, winning with Seán MacBride’s assistance. dib.ie

Comyn also practiced in Dáil Courts (defying the Bar Council), e.g., representing fishermen in the Power and Dodd fishery dispute (1922), and appeared before the Dáil Courts Winding-Up Commission (1923–1925) to resolve pending cases. canisgallicus.com +1 His clients were predominantly republicans, but specific names from the immediate post-Rising period (1916–1918) remain undocumented in available sources, likely due to the secretive nature of military trials.Attendance at Dublin Castle. Yes, Michael Comyn KC attended or had access to Dublin Castle during the War of Independence, though direct records of specific visits are limited due to the clandestine nature of his activities. As a respected barrister and King’s Counsel, he moved in legal and social circles that included British administrators, military personnel, and civil servants based there—the hub of British governance in Ireland, including the Dublin Metropolitan Police’s “G” Division (political detectives) and military intelligence. This access allowed him to gather intelligence on British operations, personnel, and plans through conversations, observations, or legal interactions, which he passed to Michael Collins (IRA Director of Intelligence). canisgallicus.com +1 For instance, Comyn’s professional status provided a “veneer of respectability” for such activities without arousing suspicion, similar to other republican sympathizers like Robert Briscoe.

comeheretome.com He may have attended legal proceedings, inquests (e.g., related to Bloody Sunday 1920, where he represented victims’ relatives), or meetings tied to republican defenses.

rte.ie His intelligence contributions were strategic but less documented than those of figures like Ned Broy or David Neligan, and aligned with Collins’ network of insiders. Comyn’s anti-Treaty stance during the Civil War further underscores his republican loyalties, potentially limiting his Castle access post-1921 Truce.

Dealings with John A. Costello

Michael Comyn KC and John A. Costello (1891–1976)—a pro-Treaty barrister who served as Attorney General of the Irish Free State (1926–1932) and later Taoiseach (1948–1951, 1954–1957)—had professional dealings primarily in the post-Civil War period, often intersecting through legal and political circles rather than direct collaboration during the Civil War itself. Their interactions reflect the divided loyalties of the era: Comyn was staunchly anti-Treaty and a key advisor to de Valera’s Fianna Fáil, while Costello was a Cumann na nGaedheal (pro-Treaty) supporter who helped establish the Free State’s legal framework.

During the Civil War and Free State’s Emergence (1922–1923)

No direct personal dealings are documented between Comyn and Costello during the Civil War or the immediate transition to the Irish Free State in 1922. They were on opposing sides: Comyn defended anti-Treaty republicans (e.g., Erskine Childers) in Free State military tribunals and supported the Dáil Courts until their abolition, while Costello, as a junior counsel, represented the Provisional Government in habeas corpus cases against republican detainees.

erenow.org Costello’s role in the Attorney General’s office (under Hugh Kennedy) involved prosecuting or advising on cases against anti-Treaty figures, potentially putting them in adversarial positions in court. For example, Comyn’s challenges to Free State jurisdiction (e.g., in Childers’ case) clashed with Costello’s efforts to legitimize the new state’s authority.

jstor.org However, sources like the John A. Costello Papers at UCD Archives (P190) do not reference specific confrontations with Comyn during this turbulent time, suggesting their paths crossed indirectly through shared legal networks rather than head-on conflicts. ucd.ie +1Post-Civil War Dealings (1920s–1930s) Their documented interactions occurred later, in the 1930s, centered on business and legal matters rather than revolutionary politics. In 1935, under de Valera’s Fianna Fáil government, Comyn (alongside Robert Briscoe, a Jewish-Irish republican TD) secured mining leases for gold and copper in County Wicklow’s Avoca and Ballintemple areas through the Department of Industry and Commerce. comeheretome.com +1 Costello, by then a senior counsel and opposition figure, critiqued these leases in Dáil debates (e.g., October 30, 1947), questioning their validity and potential favoritism toward Comyn and Briscoe as Fianna Fáil allies.

oireachtas.ie The UCD Costello Papers include correspondence and files (e.g., P190/17–27) on these mining ventures, indicating Costello’s involvement in reviewing or opposing them legally/politically, though not as direct adversaries in court. ucd.ie +1 This reflects a shift from wartime opposition to peacetime professional rivalry in Ireland’s emerging state.If you have additional details or need further clarification on any aspect, let me know!

16 web pages

Erskine Childers trial details

Ned Broy intelligence role

Quick Answer

Overview of Erskine Childers’ Pre-Trial Period (November 10–19, 1922)

Erskine Childers was arrested on November 10, 1922, at Glendalough House in County Wicklow by Free State forces while in possession of a small pistol, which formed the basis of the capital charge against him under the Army Emergency Powers Resolution. theirishstory.com +1 The period between his arrest and the start of his military tribunal trial on November 19 was brief—only nine days—and marked by intense political antagonism toward Childers due to his anti-Treaty stance, his role in republican propaganda, and perceptions of him as an “English spy” or instigator of the Civil War.

theirishstory.com Historical records indicate no formal pre-trial negotiations for his release, a plea deal, or political settlement with Free State authorities. Instead, the focus was on rapid prosecution amid the escalating Civil War, with the government viewing Childers as a high-profile target whose execution could deter republican resistance. bbc.com +1 However, there were limited interventions, primarily in the form of requests for access to visit him and early legal preparations, as detailed below.

Key Interventions and Communications

• Family Efforts: On November 16, 1922, Childers’ sister, Mrs. C. Davidson-Houston, wrote to Free State authorities requesting permission to visit her brother in custody. This appears to be one of the few documented family interventions during the pre-trial phase, reflecting concern for his welfare but not constituting a negotiation for release or clemency. militarypensions.wordpress.com
• Clerical or Personal Requests: Edward Waller, the Church of Ireland Dean of Kildare, also sought permission to visit Childers shortly after his arrest. While the exact date is not specified in records, it occurred post-arrest and likely pre-trial, aimed at providing spiritual or personal support rather than influencing the legal process. militarypensions.wordpress.com
• Legal Preparations: Childers’ defense team, including Michael Comyn KC, Patrick Lynch KC, and C.A. Maguire, began preparing arguments focusing on jurisdictional issues, such as the validity of trying a civilian in a military court and the absence of a formal state of war. en.wikipedia.org +1 These efforts were primarily for the trial itself and a subsequent habeas corpus application, rather than pre-trial bargaining. No records show communications with prosecutors or government officials aimed at avoiding trial altogether.
• Absence of Broader Political or International Negotiations: Sources do not document any direct talks between republican leaders (e.g., Éamon de Valera), Free State figures (e.g., W.T. Cosgrave or Kevin O’Higgins), or international parties to intervene pre-trial. The government’s determination to proceed swiftly is evident, as Childers was tried and sentenced to death on November 20, with execution following on November 24 before appeals could fully conclude. en.wikipedia.org +1 Post-sentencing pleas for clemency—such as a telegram from the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic on November 20 and a letter from the Irish Labour Party on November 23—came after the trial had begun or concluded, and all failed. militarypensions.wordpress.com

Context and Reasons for Limited ActivityThe brevity of the pre-trial window, combined with the Free State’s policy of summary justice under emergency powers, minimized opportunities for negotiations.

bbc.com Childers was held in isolation, and the political climate—fueled by mutual distrust and recent atrocities like the Ballyseedy killings—made compromise unlikely.

theirishstory.com His English background and perceived influence in the anti-Treaty camp further hardened attitudes against him, with figures like Winston Churchill expressing glee at his capture.

en.wikipedia.org Archival files from the Department of Defence highlight multiple pleas overall but emphasize their ineffectiveness, underscoring the execution as a deliberate act to suppress opposition.

militarypensions.wordpress.comIf this refers to a different aspect of Childers’ life (e.g., his role in the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations), provide more context for clarification!

4 web pages

Elaboration on Michael Comyn KC’s General Defense of Republican Prisoners (1916–1919)

The statement refers to Michael Comyn KC’s early legal work immediately following his return to Ireland in late 1916, where he represented numerous Irish republican prisoners—primarily Sinn Féin activists and Irish Volunteers—in British military courts, High Court proceedings, and appeals up to the House of Lords. These defenses occurred amid waves of arrests after the Easter Rising, during a period of intensified British repression under martial law and the Defence of the Realm Act (DORA). Charges typically included sedition (e.g., promoting republican ideology), illegal possession of arms, unlawful assembly or drilling, and involvement in post-Rising disturbances or seditious publications. en.wikipedia.org +2 Comyn’s tactics often involved technical challenges to jurisdiction (e.g., arguing that military courts lacked authority over civilians in peacetime), procedural delays to generate publicity, and highlighting poor prison conditions or human rights abuses to pressure for releases or commutations.

en.wikipedia.org He aimed to disrupt proceedings where possible to benefit the broader IRA and Sinn Féin cause, such as by turning trials into platforms for republican propaganda.

canisgallicus.com The lack of documented individual names in primary sources (e.g., official court transcripts, military records, or government archives) stems from several factors:

• Secrecy of Military Trials: Many proceedings were held in camera (closed sessions) or under emergency powers, with limited public records to prevent republican sympathizers from using them for agitation. British authorities often classified details to avoid exposing intelligence sources or fueling unrest. en.wikipedia.org
• Record Destruction or Incompleteness: During the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and subsequent Civil War, many British and Free State records were destroyed, lost in fires (e.g., the 1922 Four Courts bombardment), or deliberately withheld. Republican records were also clandestine and sparse. canisgallicus.com
• Focus on Collective Rather Than Individual Cases: Comyn’s early work often involved group defenses or habeas corpus applications for batches of prisoners, rather than high-profile individual trials. Secondary sources (e.g., biographies and histories) note his success in preventing executions but rarely name clients from this phase, emphasizing instead his overall impact on republican morale and legal strategy. en.wikipedia.org

While specific names from 1916–1918 remain elusive, examples from the broader period illustrate the type of work: In 1917, groups from counties Clare and Tipperary faced charges for illegal drilling and claimed POW status as “Irish Republican Army” members, aligning with the kinds of cases Comyn handled.

surreycc.gov.uk By 1919–1921, his defenses escalated, as seen in the Clifford and O’Sullivan case (1921), where he represented over 40 prisoners from Mitchelstown, Co. Cork, on arms charges, securing their release via jurisdictional challenges and royal intervention.

en.wikipedia.org No republican he defended during the “troubles” (broadly 1916–1923) was executed, a testament to his effectiveness.

en.wikipedia.org Was Michael Comyn KC a Member of Sinn Féin?

Comyn was not formally documented as a card-carrying member of Sinn Féin, but he was deeply active in nationalist politics and closely aligned with the movement. en.wikipedia.org +1 His involvement began around the time of the Easter Rising, and upon returning from the U.S. in late 1916, he immersed himself in defending Sinn Féin activists and Volunteers, which positioned him as a key sympathizer.

canisgallicus.com He practiced in the underground Dáil Courts (republican alternatives to British courts) from 1920 onward, defying the Irish Bar Council, which further tied him to Sinn Féin’s parallel state-building efforts.

canisgallicus.com Post-1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, he took an anti-Treaty stance, aligning with the republican wing that evolved into Fianna Fáil. He later served as a Fianna Fáil Senator (1928–1934), indicating his political evolution from Sinn Féin-associated nationalism to de Valera’s party. en.wikipedia.org +1 In essence, while not explicitly a member, his actions and associations made him a de facto participant in Sinn Féin’s broader ecosystem.

Did He Know Arthur Griffith? Yes, Michael Comyn KC knew Arthur Griffith, the founder of Sinn Féin, through shared nationalist circles and political activities. canisgallicus.com +1 Some sources claim they were together in Kansas City, Missouri, during the 1916 Easter Rising on a Sinn Féin fundraising and propaganda tour, but this appears to be a historical inaccuracy—Griffith remained in Dublin during the Rising, opposing its timing and aligning with Eoin MacNeill’s countermanding order, before his arrest and internment. canisgallicus.com +1 Their connection likely stemmed from pre-Rising nationalist networks, as both were prominent figures in Irish separatism: Griffith as a journalist and leader, Comyn as a barrister providing legal support. Post-Rising, Comyn’s defenses of Sinn Féin prisoners would have intersected with Griffith’s leadership, though no direct collaborations are detailed beyond general associations. How Did He Become Legal Adviser to Éamon de Valera?Comyn became a legal adviser to Éamon de Valera through his prominent role in defending republicans during the Irish War of Independence and Civil War, which built trust and positioned him as a key legal mind in the anti-Treaty camp. canisgallicus.com +1 Starting in late 1916, his work in military courts and Dáil Courts demonstrated his commitment to republican causes, leading to advisory roles on governance, jurisdiction, and strategy.

canisgallicus.com By the Civil War (1922–1923), he defended high-profile anti-Treaty figures like Erskine Childers (a close de Valera ally), solidifying ties.

independent.co.uk Post-war, as de Valera split from Sinn Féin to form Fianna Fáil in 1926, Comyn provided counsel on legal matters like party formation, land annuities (e.g., advising George Gavan Duffy), and recovering IRA funds (suing de Valera’s government in 1932 and winning). canisgallicus.com +1 His family connections—his brother James Comyn SC also advised de Valera—further entrenched him.

independent.co.uk This evolved into formal roles, including his 1928 Senate appointment under Fianna Fáil.

oireachtas.ie

7 web pages

Details on Clifford and O’Sullivan case

Erskine Childers defense

Quick Answer

Outcome and Controversies

Childers was sentenced to death on November 20 and executed by firing squad on November 24, 1922, at Beggars Bush Barracks in Dublin, before his appeals could conclude. en.wikipedia.org +1 His final words to the firing squad were: “Take a step or two forward, lads, it will be easier that way.”

en.wikipedia.org The execution sparked outrage, with de Valera later calling him “the noblest” man he knew, and it was debated in the Dáil as a denial of justice for a mere possession charge. en.wikipedia.org +1 Controversies included the rushed timeline (preventing full appeals), political vendettas (e.g., O’Higgins’ portrayal of Childers as the civil war’s architect), and accusations of Childers being targeted for his anti-Treaty writings and English heritage. en.wikipedia.org +2 Post-execution pleas from groups like the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic and the Irish Labour Party were ignored.

catalogue.nli.ie