The story of Ireland’s struggle
as told through some of her outstanding living people
recalling events from the days of Davitt,
through James Connolly, Brugha, Collins,
De Valera, Liam Mellows, and Rory O’Connor,
to the present time.
Related to:
Uinseann MacEoin

Survivors
The story of Ireland’s struggle
as told through some of her outstanding living people
recalling events from the days of Davitt,
through James Connolly, Brugha, Collins,
De Valera, Liam Mellows, and Rory O’Connor,
to the present time.
Related to:
Uinseann MacEoin
With portraits of the Survivors by:
Colm an Doyle
SECOND EDITION
with additional accounts, notes and appendices
Argenta Publications,
19 Mountjoy Square, Dublin 1, Ireland

The story of Ireland’s struggle as told through some of her
ontstanding living people recalling events from the days of
Davitt, through James Connolly, Brugha, Collins, De Valera.
Liam Mellows, and Rory O’Counor to the present time.
Related to Uinseann Mac Eoin,
with portraits of the Survivors by Colman Doyle

Data entered to Grok3 AI:

Survivors The story of Ireland’s struggle as told through some of her outstanding living people recalling events from the days of Davitt, through James Connolly, Brugha, Collins, De Valera, Liam Mellows, and Rory O’Connor, to the present time. Related to: Uinseann MacEoin With portraits of the Survivors by: Colm an Doyle SECOND EDITION with additional accounts, notes and appendices Argenta Publications, 19 Mountjoy Square, Dublin 1, Ireland

The story of Ireland’s struggle as told through some of her ontstanding living people recalling events from the days of Davitt, through James Connolly, Brugha, Collins, De Valera. Liam Mellows, and Rory O’Connor to the present time. Related to Uinseann Mac Eoin, with portraits of the Survivors by Colman Doyle…References to Michael Comyn KC page 171 and page 567 ,,, “Survivors”defeat made it more necessary than ever that we stand together. I resumed my contacts with Moss Twomey, with the remnants, with the old guard. One of the stories I have to tell concerns some funds we had here. The former quartermaster had joined the Free State. He knew there was some money in the bank — lodged in my name — belonging to the Brigade. He told his new masters and they froze it. In 1932, Sean MacBride arrived here to tell me that the order under which it was held had expired. He set to work, although he was only a law student at the time. Along with Michael Comyn, S.C., we took an action in the High Court against the Government, De Valera’s government, for recovery of the funds. We won. We recovered nearly £20,000. I handed it straight over to the Movement, and that, I hope, put it over a very difficult phase, when there was not much money about. You had the great depression in America at that time; all our fellows were on the rocks. For that reason, as I say, it was particularly welcome to the M ovement. We were poor then ourselves; I had not a bob, but I paid my own way up and down from Dublin for the court hearing. I would not take a cent from them. Alright, said Moss, we’ll give you a receipt so. There and then Moss had one typed out, while Sean MacBride sent me a letter of thanks. Looking back now, who are the other personalities that stand out in my memory? One that I thought was outstanding was Paddy McGrath of Dublin, who was executed in September, 1941. I first got to know him on the tunnel in Mountjoy in the autumn of 1923. We were great friends. He was a most ingenious fellow, extremely clever with his hands. He had only one, but it was extraordinary what he could do with it. He showed that at that time by his ability to open locks and remove covers, which enabled us to enter the roof-space in Mountjoy. (14) He was extremely plucky and courageous. Sean Russell I knew well too. If the truth must be told, I would have to compare him with Cathal Brugha, very sincere, but not so easy to get on with. You would not open up to him

Dev and The Statute of Westminster. Let the boys know, said Michael Comyn to Maurice Twomey that we can have the Republic without firing a shot. I h a v e prepared memo for the Chief on the Statute. Twomey considered that out of this de Valera developed the, constitutional ideas which he put into put into practice from 1932 onwards eventually resulting in a Document No. 2 situation. Told to the author by Maurice Twomey

C o l l in s a n d t h e C a s t l e Cathal Brugha stayed above ground most of the time. He was on the run but he managed to stay at his business as a trade representative. He did not accept any salary from the Dail. His office was along the quays. He rode a Pierce bicycle, an Irish-made one. Collins rode a high Lucania They all rode bicycles and moved fairly freely. Brugha was very kind, humble and gentle, but he was a disaster as an administrator. He was accommodating however when it came to finding a place for him to stay. Mrs. Humphreys told me that, unlike Richard Mulcahy, who, for security reasons, wanted a new place every week. But such places could not be found. He was, therefore, very difficult. He did not like other people on the run staying in the same place. Brugha however would not mind. The British Government was unsure what to do about people who were supposed to be politicians, but who were also engaged in fighting them. They did not ban Dail Eireann until September 10th 1919. Griffith was absolutely openly around and could have been picked up any time They had a bad description of Collins; they did not know he was as dark as he was. They thought he was fair. From the beginning of 1920 when Cope was appointed Under Secretary for Ireland, Collins was in touch directly with the Castle. There was a ‘hot line’ between them Gogarty, for instance, tells of De Valera receiving a phone call from the Castle direct to Dr. Farnham in Merrion Square. In a war such arrangements sometimes exist. I am convinced that John Chartres, the Englishman who joined us at that time, and who accompanied the Treaty delegation as a secretary, was a plant by the British. His wife accompanied Sean T. O ’Kelly in the Peace delegation to Paris early in 1919, which, if he was a plant, would make her position an unusually significant one. They went out of their way to promote the reputation of Michael Collins far beyond what he seemed to deserve. So while the U pper Castle Yard was having its dealings with Collins, the Lower Castle Yard was having dealings of another sort. It was after him with the Murder Gang. He was however a very cool customer with plenty of nerve. It was a problem getting safe, secure offices because we now had a staff of some hundreds. Sinn Fein bought a number of houses. One I remember was in St. Mary’s Road, off Northumberland Road. Mrs. Woods said to me: Now our only problem is to find someone who will be Michael Collins’ aunt.

Was Michael Comyn KC in espionage?

The available evidence does not provide definitive proof that Michael Comyn KC was directly engaged in espionage during Ireland’s struggle for independence. However, his actions as a barrister, Fianna Fáil Senator, and defender of Irish republican prisoners suggest he played a significant role in supporting the republican cause, which may have involved handling sensitive information or facilitating strategic communications. Below, I analyze the context from the provided references in Survivors and other sources to address the question.Key Points from Survivors and Other Sources

1. Legal and Political Involvement:
   • Michael Comyn was a prominent Irish barrister and King’s Counsel (KC) who defended republican prisoners during the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921) and the Irish Civil War (1922–1923). His legal work included high-profile cases, such as the Clifford and O’Sullivan case, where he successfully argued to prevent the execution of 42 men, reportedly with the intervention of King George V.
   • In Survivors (p. 567), Comyn is described as informing Maurice (Moss) Twomey about the potential of the Statute of Westminster to achieve a republic without violence. This suggests he was deeply engaged in constitutional and political strategies, providing legal advice that influenced Éamon de Valera’s policies from 1932 onward. This role required access to and dissemination of sensitive political intelligence, though it does not necessarily equate to espionage.
2. Connections with Republican Leaders:
   • Comyn’s interactions with key figures like Moss Twomey, Seán MacBride, and Arthur Griffith indicate he was trusted within republican circles. For instance, Survivors (p. 171) recounts his involvement in a High Court action alongside MacBride to recover nearly £20,000 in frozen funds for the republican movement, which was critical during a financially strained period. This demonstrates his role in supporting the logistical and financial aspects of the movement.
   • Survivors (p. 567) also notes Comyn passing a message to Twomey about leveraging the Statute of Westminster, suggesting he acted as a conduit for strategic information. While this could be seen as intelligence-sharing, it aligns more with legal and political advisory roles than traditional espionage.
3. Possible Intelligence Activities:
   • The reference in Survivors (p. 567) to Comyn’s memo on the Statute of Westminster and his communication with Twomey implies he had access to high-level political insights, possibly from British sources. His earlier claim, cited in Wikipedia, of relaying “intelligence” from a highly placed British source about Prime Minister Lloyd George’s willingness to negotiate during the 1921 truce discussions further hints at involvement in sensitive information networks.
   • However, this “intelligence” appears to have been more about political negotiation strategies than covert espionage activities like spying or sabotage. There is no direct evidence in the sources that Comyn engaged in activities such as gathering military secrets or working as a double agent.
4. Context of Espionage in Ireland’s Struggle:
   • Espionage during the Irish War of Independence often involved figures like Michael Collins, who, as Director of Intelligence for the IRA, orchestrated covert operations, including assassinations and intelligence-gathering against British forces. Comyn’s role, by contrast, was primarily legal and public-facing, defending prisoners and engaging in court actions, which suggests he operated within the bounds of his professional capacity rather than as a covert operative.
   • The mention in Survivors (p. 171) of Comyn’s collaboration with MacBride and Twomey to secure funds for the republican movement indicates he was involved in activities that supported the IRA’s infrastructure. While this could be seen as indirectly aiding the movement’s covert efforts, it does not confirm direct participation in espionage.
5. Lack of Direct Evidence:
   • Unlike Collins, who is explicitly documented as running intelligence networks, or figures like John Chartres, speculated in Survivors (p. 171) to be a British plant, there is no concrete reference in the provided sources to Comyn engaging in espionage activities such as infiltrating British institutions or passing coded messages. His contributions appear to have been through legal advocacy and strategic advice rather than clandestine operations.

Critical Analysis

• Was Comyn an Espionage Agent? The term “espionage” typically implies covert activities like spying, sabotage, or intelligence-gathering for military or political advantage. While Comyn’s actions—such as relaying information about Lloyd George’s negotiation stance or advising on the Statute of Westminster—suggest he handled sensitive information, these activities are more aligned with political strategy and legal maneuvering than espionage in the traditional sense.
• Role in the Republican Movement: Comyn’s work as a barrister defending republican prisoners and his interactions with figures like Twomey and MacBride placed him in a position where he likely had access to sensitive information. His ability to secure funds and influence constitutional strategies indicates he was a trusted figure, but the sources do not describe him engaging in covert operations or intelligence-gathering akin to Collins’ Squad or other IRA intelligence units.
• Speculative Elements: The reference to Comyn’s “intelligence” from a British source () is intriguing but vague. Without further details, it’s unclear whether this was obtained through formal channels (e.g., legal or political networks) or covert means. Similarly, his memo on the Statute of Westminster suggests deep legal and political insight, but there’s no indication it involved espionage tactics.

Conclusion

Based on the provided references, Michael Comyn KC was not directly engaged in espionage, as there is no evidence of him participating in covert intelligence-gathering or spying activities. His contributions to Ireland’s struggle were significant but primarily legal and political, involving defense of republican prisoners, strategic advice on constitutional matters, and securing financial resources for the movement. His role as a conduit for political intelligence, as seen in his communications with Twomey and others, suggests he handled sensitive information, but this falls short of espionage in the conventional sense. For a definitive answer, further primary sources, such as personal correspondence or IRA records, would be needed to clarify the nature of his “intelligence” activities.