Grok3 AI followed by copies of references to Michael Comyn from Eamon de Valera papers 150

The documents cited from the Eamon de Valera Papers (P150) provide a detailed view of the political, legal, and financial activities surrounding the Irish Republican movement during the early 1920s, particularly in the context of the Irish Civil War, the Dáil Éireann funds litigation, and efforts to navigate the post-Treaty political landscape. Below is a concise summary and analysis of the key themes and roles of Michael Comyn, a recurring figure in these records, along with the broader context of the documents:Key Themes and Context

1. Dáil Éireann Funds Litigation (Document 1287):
   • The documents highlight the legal disputes over funds raised in America for Dáil Éireann, with key figures like Eamon de Valera, Stephen M. O’Mara, and Dr. Michael Fogarty involved. An injunction secured by Fogarty and others restrained banks from disbursing funds to de Valera or O’Mara, reflecting internal divisions over control of these resources.
   • Correspondents include prominent figures like Michael Collins (Minister for Finance), Frank P. Walsh (American Commission on Irish Independence), and T.A. Smiddy (Envoy of the Provisional Government). Michael Comyn, as Senior Counsel, played a legal advisory role in these disputes.
2. Efforts to End Civil War Hostilities (Document 1647):
   • Between May 1922 and April 1923, efforts were made to broker peace between pro- and anti-Treaty forces. Michael Comyn contributed a draft titled “Terms On Which Peace Might Be Arranged,” indicating his role in proposing legal or political frameworks for reconciliation.
   • Other efforts involved intermediaries like Mrs. Norman Thompson and Monsignor John Rogers, who facilitated discussions between de Valera and General Richard Mulcahy. These documents reflect the Republican side’s attempts to negotiate peace while maintaining their political stance.
3. Legal Defense and Republican Activities (Documents 1659, 1710, 1713, 1715):
   • Michael Comyn served as Senior Counsel for the IRA and represented Erskine Childers during his trial and execution in November 1922. His legal work extended to advising the Republican Government on various matters, including the defense of arrested Republicans like Art O’Brien and the reorganization of Sinn Féin.
   • Comyn’s involvement in the sale of No. 6 Harcourt Street and the revocation of powers of attorney (e.g., to John F. Finerty) underscores his role as a trusted legal advisor handling sensitive Republican assets and operations.
4. Land Annuities and Legal Opinions (Documents 1811, 2172, 2233, 2770):
   • Comyn provided legal opinions on critical issues like the land annuities and the legality of the Dáil post-Treaty. His work on the annuities, alongside other prominent counsels like James Geoghegan and George Gavan Duffy, addressed whether Britain was entitled to these payments, a significant economic and political issue for the Irish Free State.
   • His opinions also covered the legal status of Ireland post-Treaty and the Boundary Commission, reflecting his expertise in constitutional and international law.
5. Boundary Commission and Political Strategy (Documents 1935, 1745):
   • The Boundary Commission’s outcome in 1925 was a major issue, with de Valera and Comyn actively engaging in public statements and legal arguments against partition. Comyn’s notes on a “Constituent Assembly” and his critiques of British parliamentary measures (e.g., the Irish Free State Agreement Act) highlight his role in shaping Republican legal arguments.
6. Political Reorganization and Public Engagement (Documents 1710, 2265):
   • Comyn was involved in reorganizing Sinn Féin and advising on Republican Government proclamations, such as those addressing lawlessness and local governance. His participation in public events, like de Valera’s visit to Ennis in 1933, shows his continued prominence as a Republican figure.

Michael Comyn’s Role

Michael Comyn, K.C., emerges as a central figure in the Republican movement’s legal and political efforts:

• Legal Advisor: As Senior Counsel, he provided legal opinions on the Dáil funds, land annuities, the Treaty’s legality, and the Boundary Commission. His work was critical in articulating the Republican position in legal disputes.
• Counsel for Republicans: He represented key figures like Erskine Childers and advised on the defense of arrested Republicans, such as Art O’Brien.
• Political Strategist: Comyn contributed to peace proposals, Sinn Féin reorganization, and Republican Government operations, including asset management (e.g., Harcourt Street property).
• Public Figure: His involvement in public speeches and Republican events, as seen in the Ennis visit, indicates his broader role in mobilizing support.

Broader Context

These documents capture a turbulent period marked by the Irish Civil War, financial disputes over Dáil funds, and the struggle to maintain Republican ideals against the backdrop of the Irish Free State’s establishment. The involvement of figures like de Valera, Collins, and Lynch, alongside Comyn’s legal expertise, underscores the interplay of political, legal, and military strategies. The Boundary Commission and land annuities debates further highlight the ongoing tensions with Britain over sovereignty and economic obligations. If you have specific questions about these documents or need further analysis (e.g., on a particular event, person, or legal issue), please let me know!

Is there any connection with Arthur Griffith

The documents from the Eamon de Valera Papers (P150) cited in your query do not explicitly mention Arthur Griffith in the provided excerpts. However, given the historical context and the figures involved, there are implicit connections to Griffith, who was a central figure in the Irish independence movement and a key player in the events surrounding the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the establishment of the Irish Free State. Below, I’ll outline potential connections based on the documents and historical context, focusing on Michael Comyn’s role and the broader Republican movement:Potential Connections to Arthur Griffith

1. Context of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (Document 1811):
   • The documents reference legal opinions on the Treaty and the legality of the Dáil post-Treaty (P150/1811). Arthur Griffith, as a chief negotiator and signatory of the Anglo-Irish Treaty (signed December 6, 1921), was a pivotal figure in these debates. Michael Comyn’s legal opinion, which critiques the parliamentary measures taken by the British and Provisional Governments (e.g., the Irish Free State Agreement Act, 1922), indirectly engages with the framework Griffith helped establish. While Griffith is not named in the excerpt, Comyn’s arguments about the illegality of post-Treaty measures would have been directed at the political structures Griffith supported as President of Dáil Éireann and leader of the pro-Treaty faction.
   • Historical Context: Griffith’s role in advocating for the Treaty created a deep divide with anti-Treaty Republicans like de Valera and Comyn, who opposed the Free State’s legitimacy. This tension is implicit in the documents’ focus on Republican efforts to challenge the Free State’s legal and political foundations.
2. Civil War and Peace Efforts (Document 1647):
   • The documents detail attempts to negotiate peace between pro- and anti-Treaty forces in 1922–23, with Comyn drafting “Terms On Which Peace Might Be Arranged.” Griffith, who died on August 12, 1922, was no longer active during most of the period covered (May 1922–April 1923), but his influence lingered. The mention of Michael Collins, another pro-Treaty leader, and his role in earlier mediation efforts being “put to one side” (P150/1647) suggests resistance to pro-Treaty initiatives, which Griffith had championed. Comyn’s peace proposals would have been crafted in opposition to the pro-Treaty government Griffith helped form.
   • Historical Context: Griffith’s death shortly after the Civil War began did not erase the ideological rift between his pro-Treaty stance and the anti-Treaty Republicans, including de Valera and Comyn, who sought to uphold the Republic against the Free State.
3. Sinn Féin and Political Reorganization (Documents 1710, 1713):
   • The documents discuss the reorganization of Sinn Féin, in which Comyn played a role as a member of the Standing Committee (P150/1713). Arthur Griffith founded Sinn Féin in 1905 and was its president until 1917, shaping its early ideology. By 1922–23, Sinn Féin was fractured over the Treaty, with pro-Treaty members (aligned with Griffith) forming Cumann na nGaedheal, while anti-Treaty Republicans, including de Valera and Comyn, sought to rebuild Sinn Féin as a Republican organization. Comyn’s efforts to prevent Cumann na nGaedheal from acquiring Sinn Féin assets (e.g., No. 6 Harcourt Street) reflect a direct effort to preserve the Republican legacy of Sinn Féin, distinct from Griffith’s pro-Treaty faction.
   • Historical Context: Griffith’s vision for Sinn Féin as a dual-monarchy advocate contrasted with the Republican ethos Comyn and de Valera upheld, making the reorganization efforts a reaction against Griffith’s political legacy.
4. Dáil Éireann Funds and Leadership Tensions (Document 1287):
   • The litigation over Dáil Éireann funds in America involved key Republican figures like de Valera and Michael Collins, who was Minister for Finance and closely aligned with Griffith in the pro-Treaty camp. While Griffith is not named, the disputes over funds reflect the broader split between pro- and anti-Treaty factions, with Comyn and de Valera working to secure Republican control against pro-Treaty interests Griffith supported.
   • Historical Context: Griffith’s leadership in the Dáil and his role in forming the Provisional Government would have influenced the financial and political strategies of pro-Treaty figures like Collins, creating tensions with Comyn’s legal efforts to protect Republican interests.

Michael Comyn’s Role and Connection to Griffith

• Opposing Ideologies: Michael Comyn, as a legal advisor and Senior Counsel for the anti-Treaty Republicans, consistently worked to undermine the legal and political structures established by the Treaty, which Griffith championed. His legal opinions (e.g., on the Treaty’s illegality, land annuities, and the Boundary Commission) and his defense of figures like Erskine Childers positioned him in direct opposition to Griffith’s pro-Treaty policies.
• Indirect Engagement: While the documents do not show direct correspondence or interaction between Comyn and Griffith, Comyn’s actions—such as drafting peace terms, defending Republican prisoners, and reorganizing Sinn Féin—were responses to the political landscape shaped by Griffith’s Treaty advocacy and leadership of the Provisional Government until his death.
• Sinn Féin Legacy: Comyn’s involvement in Sinn Féin’s reorganization and his role as a trustee of its assets (P150/1713) highlight his commitment to preserving the Republican ideals of the organization, in contrast to Griffith’s shift toward the Free State and Cumann na nGaedheal.

Conclusion:

While Arthur Griffith is not explicitly mentioned in the provided documents, his influence as a pro-Treaty leader and founder of Sinn Féin is a critical backdrop to the events described. Michael Comyn’s legal and political activities, from challenging the Treaty’s legitimacy to reorganizing Sinn Féin, were part of the anti-Treaty Republican effort to counter the political framework Griffith helped establish. The ideological and political divide between Griffith’s pro-Treaty stance and the anti-Treaty Republicans, including Comyn and de Valera, is a clear undercurrent in these records. If you’d like me to search for specific references to Griffith in other parts of the de Valera Papers or related sources, or to delve deeper into a particular aspect of this connection (e.g., Sinn Féin’s evolution or the Treaty debates), please let me know!

Michael Collins role

Michael Collins is referenced in the provided documents from the Eamon de Valera Papers (P150) as the Minister for Finance of Dáil Éireann, a key figure in the Irish independence movement, and a central player in the pro-Treaty faction during the early stages of the Irish Civil War. His role is explicitly mentioned in Document 1287 and indirectly relevant in the broader context of the documents, particularly those dealing with the Dáil Éireann funds litigation and peace negotiations. Below is a concise analysis of Collins’ role based on the documents and historical context, with attention to his interactions with figures like Michael Comyn and Eamon de Valera.

Michael Collins’ Role in the Documents

1. Minister for Finance and Dáil Éireann Funds (Document 1287):
   • Collins is identified as the Minister for Finance of Dáil Éireann, a position he held from 1919 to his death in August 1922. The document details a legal dispute over funds raised in America for Dáil Éireann, where Dr. Michael Fogarty and others secured an injunction to prevent banks from disbursing money to de Valera, Stephen M. O’Mara, or their agents. Collins’ role as Minister for Finance would have made him a central figure in the management and control of these funds, which were critical for Republican activities.
   • Context: The litigation reflects the split between pro- and anti-Treaty factions after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921. Collins, a leading pro-Treaty figure, supported the establishment of the Irish Free State, which put him at odds with anti-Treaty Republicans like de Valera and O’Mara. The injunction likely stemmed from pro-Treaty efforts to control Dáil funds, with Collins’ financial oversight as Minister being a key factor.
   • Connection to Michael Comyn: Michael Comyn, as Senior Counsel for the anti-Treaty Republicans, was involved in the legal efforts to secure these funds for the anti-Treaty side. While the document does not explicitly mention Collins and Comyn interacting directly, Comyn’s legal work would have been in opposition to the financial control Collins exerted as Minister.
2. Role in Peace Negotiations (Document 1647):
   • The documents covering May 1922–April 1923 mention Collins in the context of earlier mediation efforts to end hostilities between pro- and anti-Treaty forces. Specifically, a letter from Con Maloney notes that previous attempts at mediation by Lord Justice James O’Connor and Fr. Michael Flanagan were “put to one side at the instigation of Collins” (P150/1647). This suggests Collins actively opposed or disrupted early peace initiatives, likely due to his commitment to consolidating the pro-Treaty government’s position.
   • Context: As a military and political leader, Collins was instrumental in organizing the Provisional Government and the National Army after the Treaty’s ratification. His rejection of mediation efforts reflects the hardening divide between pro- and anti-Treaty factions, with Collins prioritizing the Free State’s authority over reconciliation with Republicans like de Valera and Comyn.
   • Connection to Michael Comyn: Comyn’s draft “Terms On Which Peace Might Be Arranged” (P150/1647) was part of later Republican efforts to negotiate peace, implicitly countering the pro-Treaty stance Collins represented. Collins’ earlier actions to derail mediation likely shaped the challenges Comyn and others faced in proposing peace terms.
3. Broader Political and Military Role:
   • Although not explicitly mentioned in other documents, Collins’ influence permeates the events described. As a signatory of the Anglo-Irish Treaty and Chairman of the Provisional Government (January–August 1922), Collins was a driving force behind the pro-Treaty side, which clashed with the anti-Treaty Republicans represented by de Valera, Comyn, and others. His death on August 22, 1922, during the Civil War (shortly after Griffith’s death), marked a significant turning point, but his policies continued to shape the Free State’s actions, as seen in the documents’ references to the Cosgrave government and the suppression of Republican activities (e.g., P150/1710).
   • Sinn Féin and Assets: The reorganization of Sinn Féin and disputes over assets like No. 6 Harcourt Street (P150/1713) reflect the split within the organization Collins helped deepen by supporting the Treaty. Comyn’s efforts to prevent Cumann na nGaedheal (the pro-Treaty party formed by Collins and others) from acquiring Sinn Féin properties were a direct response to the political legacy Collins left.

Historical Context of Collins’ Role

• Pro-Treaty Leader: Collins’ acceptance of the Treaty as a “stepping stone” to greater independence put him in direct conflict with anti-Treaty Republicans, who viewed it as a betrayal of the Republic. His role as Minister for Finance gave him control over Dáil resources, making him a target for anti-Treaty legal challenges, as seen in the funds litigation.
• Military Leadership: As Director of Intelligence for the IRA during the War of Independence and later Commander-in-Chief of the National Army, Collins was a formidable opponent to anti-Treaty forces, including those represented by Comyn in legal defenses (e.g., Erskine Childers’ trial, P150/1659).
• Impact on Civil War: Collins’ rejection of early peace efforts and his focus on establishing the Free State’s authority intensified the Civil War, shaping the context for the peace negotiations and Republican reorganization efforts described in the documents.

Connection to Michael Comyn

• Oppositional Roles: Comyn, as a legal advisor and Senior Counsel for the anti-Treaty Republicans, worked to counter the political and financial structures Collins supported. Their roles were adversarial, with Comyn defending Republican interests (e.g., Dáil funds, prisoner defenses) against Collins’ pro-Treaty policies.
• Indirect Interaction: The documents suggest no direct personal interaction between Collins and Comyn, but their actions were part of the broader pro- vs. anti-Treaty conflict. Comyn’s legal work on the Dáil funds and peace terms was a response to the financial and political control Collins exerted.

Conclusion

Michael Collins’ role in the documents is primarily as the Minister for Finance and a pro-Treaty leader whose actions shaped the financial disputes and political conflicts of 1922–23. His oversight of Dáil funds and rejection of early peace mediation efforts created challenges for anti-Treaty Republicans like de Valera and Comyn, who sought to maintain Republican control and negotiate peace. While Collins’ direct presence in the documents is limited to specific references, his broader influence as a pro-Treaty figure is evident in the legal, political, and organizational struggles described. If you’d like a deeper analysis of Collins’ role in a specific document, his relationship with other figures (e.g., de Valera or Comyn), or a search for additional references to Collins in the de Valera Papers or related sources, please let me know!

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Direct mentions from archives, entered into Grok3 AI: above

1287 contd. conjunction with one of the Trustees, Dr. Fogarty, applied for and secured
from the American Courts an injunction restraining the banks from paying the
money to either de Valera or O’Mara or to their agents. Correspondents
include:

• de Valera, Trustee of Dáil Éireann funds;
• Diarmuid Lynch;
• various officials of the American Commission on Irish Independence,
  including Frank P. Walsh, Chairman;
• Michael Collins, Minister for Finance;
• Alderman Stephen M. O’Mara, Lord Mayor of Limerick and Trustee in
  America of Dáil Éireann funds (‘S. O’M.’ or ‘S.M.’);
• Dr. Michael Fogarty, Bishop of Killaloe and Trustee of Dáil Éireann funds;
• Gilbert Ward, Confidential Secretary in America to the Trustees;
• T.A. Smiddy, Envoy of the Provisional Government in the U.S.A.
  [successor to Harry Boland];
• Tomás Ó Connchubhair (Thomas D. O’Connor);
• John F. Finerty (A.A.R.I.R.);
• Austin Stack;
• Senior Counsel Michael Comyn, K.C. (‘M.C.’);
• Ernest W. Proud. 90 items

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1614 29 March 1922 Holograph letter to de Valera from Michael
Comyn agreeing to go forward as a Republican
candidate for one of the Munster constituencies. 1p

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1647 [May] 1922–April 1923 Documents, mainly letters relating to attempts
at reaching agreement to suspend hostilities
between pro- and anti-Treaty forces, between August 1922 and mid-April

Includes:
– typescript draft by Michael Comyn S.C. entitled ‘Terms On Which Peace
Might Be Arranged’ (n.d., 2pp);
– memoranda concerning a meeting between P.J. Little and Mrs Norman
Thompson, from Sandymount, Dublin ‘a recently converted Unionist with a
desire to make peace’ and a friend of Mrs. Larry Nugent, (August 1922, 2
items);
– letter from Con Maloney (‘C.O’M’) to an unidentified recipient concerning
the role played by Mrs. Larry Nugent in proposing a meeting between Lord
Justice James O’Connor (see also P150/1414) and Republican
representatives; ‘…O’Connor believes Llo[yd] Geo[rge] would jump at
Doc[umen]t No. 2 now…he was prepared to approach Llo[yd] Geo[rge] with
any proposition …’. Also includes references to the running of the Cosgrave
government; ‘Kelly’ the Sub-Sheriff of Belfast and ‘the feeling of the
North…turning more towards the Republicans, owing to the Bishops
throwing themselves so much into the Free State crowd’; previous efforts at
mediation by Lord Justice O’Connor and Fr. Michael Flanagan which were
‘put to one side at the instigation of Collins’; J.J. O’Kelly’s (Sceilg) reaction
to the O’Connor proposal and Mrs Norman Thompson’s meeting with
P.J. Little (31 August 1922, 2pp);
– correspondence between Monsignor John Rogers, Ernie O’Malley [Acting
Assistant Chief of Staff], de Valera and Eamon Donnelly (‘Mr D’) on the
organisation of a meeting, through the auspices of Monsignor Rogers,
between de Valera and General Richard Mulcahy and the issuing of a form of
safe conduct for Mulcahy. Also includes a list of six propositions (8
September 1922, 1p) submitted by Monsignor Rogers to de Valera, as a ‘basis
of action or agreement’ (3–8 September 1922 & February 1923, 14 items);

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1659 12–24 November 1922 Documents concerning the arrest, trial and
execution of Robert Erskine Childers. Includes
letters to de Valera, mainly from Childers’ wife Molly and Michael Comyn
[Senior Counsel for the I.R.A. and Childers’ Counsel, along with Patrick
Lynch and Conchubar Magcuidhir], but also from Liam Lynch, ‘D.P.’ [Robert
Brennan?], Maire Comerford, Cumann na mBan, Eileen McGrane, Áine
Ceannt [wife of the late Eamonn], [Tom Derrig], Assistant Adjutant General.
Both McGrane and Ceannt’s letters include references to Mary MacSwiney,
then on hunger-strike in Mountjoy Jail. Also includes:
– copy of ‘Statement of Objections By Staff-Captain Erskine Childers’
(original dated 17 November 1922, 1p);

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1710 8 November 1922− Memoranda between de Valera or his
8 August 1923 Secretary, Kathleen O’Connell, and P.J.
Ruttledge, Minister for Home Affairs mainly
concerned with:

• appointments to the Republican Government including Seán Moylan (‘M.’)
  as Acting Minister for Economic Affairs and Michael P. Colivet (‘C.’) in
  reserve;
• the legal defence of Art O’Brien (‘A. O’B’) and other Republicans arrested
  in Britain and the effect of O’Brien’s arrest on financial arrangements for the
  maintenance of the various overseas Republican Representatives’ offices and
  on civil and political organisational work in Britain;
• Ruttledge’s views on the Revenue Decree in response to a memorandum
  from de Valera circulated to all Ministers and the Chief of Staff dated 8
  January 1923 (see P150/1695 for copy of the memorandum);
• the re-organisation of Sinn Féin, including the recruitment of local
  organisers and the administration of the offices in No. 6 Harcourt Street and
  Suffolk Street;
• organisation in Scotland;
• the Liam Deasy peace proposal and various peace moves including those of
  Lord Midleton; the Neutral I.R.A. Members’ Association; the Sinn Féin Peace
  Committee; and Monsignor Luzio;
• the arrest of Eamon Donnelly [Director of Organisation, around 22 February
  1923] and its effect on the Sinn Féin re-organisation;
• the suppression of the ‘so-called Courts which the enemy had set up’ (see
  report dated 15 March 1923);
• the death of Chief of Staff Liam Lynch and arrangements for a meeting of
  the Army Executive;
• Ruttledge’s appointment as Adjutant General following the arrest of Tom
  Derrig and the death of Liam Lynch;
• references to ‘Jetter’ [John T. Ryan];
• Ruttledge’s ill health;
• preparations for the General Election of August 1923;
• the issuing of Proclamations by the Republican Government, including those
  dealing with sports/amusements, robberies and general lawlessness and dog
  licences.
  Includes short report by Ruttledge summarising the activities of the
  Department of Home Affairs to mid-March 1923 (15 March 1923, 2pp).
  Also includes references to the activities of Mary MacSwiney, Dr. Kathleen
  Lynn with the Red Cross and at the Geneva Conference, the Ministers for
  Finance [Austin Stack] and Local Government [Seán T. O’Kelly]; Director of
  Organisation Eamon Donnelly, Counsellor Michael Comyn, legal advisor to
  the Republican Government, Daithi O’Donoghue, Countess Markievicz and
  Máire Comerford (Máire Ní Chomatún).
  Also includes some correspondence between de Valera and Art O’Brien
  forwarded to Ruttledge and some between de Valera and Counsellor Michael

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P150/ Eamon de Valera Papers
© UCD-OFM Partnership 2005 568
1713 26 May–31 July 1923 Memoranda between de Valera and ‘Counsellor
Comyn’ [Michael Comyn, Republican
Government legal advisor and member of the Sinn Féin Standing Committee]
on:

the sale of No. 6 Harcourt Street, Dublin. ‘I am not sure who owned the
building, whether it was the Sinn Fein Bank, or the Sinn Fein Organisation. I
was appointed sole Trustee by the Standing Committee in January, 1922. I
would like to prevent them from selling the building, if possible, and certainly
would not like Cumann na Gaedheal to get possession of it.’
See also P150/1220 for power of attorney, de Valera to Finerty, dated
October 1922; revocation of that power & grant of power of attorney to Seán
T. O’Kelly, dated 16 September 1924 11 items

the drawing up of a revocation of powers of attorney granted by de Valera to
John F. Finerty on 22 October 1922 and arrangements for its application with
regard to Donal O’Callaghan, the newly appointed Republican Representative
in the U.S.A.;

the re-organisation of Sinn Féin including the question of the name of the
new organisation and the activities of the Standing Committee;

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1715 25 January− Communications between Minister for Home
30 March 1923 Affairs P.J. Ruttledge and Acting Minister for
Local Government Donal O’Callaghan on:

• the Minister for Home Affairs proposed proclamations prohibiting outdoor
  sports and indoor amusements; and announcing measures against robberies;
• staff for the Local Government Department;
• Michael Comyn’s [Republican Government legal advisor] views on whether
  the payment of rates to Local Bodies is held to be prohibited by the
  Republican Government Proclamation of 2 December 1922;
• the scheme for the re-organisation of the Courts;
• the development of Local Government policy;
• arrangements for the promulgation of decrees;
• the effect on the General Secretariat of the arrest of ‘S Ó B’ [also O/C/
  Foreign Communications] and the need to appoint a new O/C/ Foreign
  Communications. 22 items

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1722 contd. to its case being heard. That, as you will agree, is out of the question…‘M’
[Michael Comyn?]…and L.H.K[erney] are equally sceptical of results from
this” (19 May 1924, 1p).
Includes covering letter from Michael Comyn to the Acting President (1p) and
copy of the ‘draft Memorial & Protest with reference to the Prisoners’ (7pp).
3 items

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1725 contd. Governmental Proclamation and Army Order to ‘Cease Fire’, or a public
Pronouncement by the Government of the basis on which it is prepared to
make peace…’ (sic).
Also includes correspondence between de Valera, Stack and Michael Comyn
[legal advisor to the Republican Government] on the Revenue Decree (5, 8, 28
& 29 January 1923, 4 items); a small amount of correspondence with Stack in
his capacity as a Sinn Féin Honorary Secretary; and correspondence between
de Valera and various members of the Department of Finance on Stack’s
behalf. Stack was arrested in [early April] 1923. The Acting Minister for
Economic Affairs, Michael P. Colivet, took over as Acting Minister for
Finance on 22 May.
See also P150/1277 for memoranda between de Valera and Edward J. Hearty
c.137 items

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1733 [28 December 1923]− Correspondence, mostly between Acting
26 July 1924 President P.J. Ruttledge and Minister for
Economic Affairs and Sinn Féin Director of
Economic Affairs Robert Barton, often signing himself ‘Fear an oibre’ or
‘Fao’, and from May 1924, between Ruttledge and the Acting Director of
Economic Affairs Art O’Connor, mainly concerning the development of a
Republican Government/Sinn Féin Economic and Social programme.
Includes drafts of the Economic Programme and communications from
Michael Comyn [Republican Government legal advisor], the Minister for
Finance [Austin Stack or Michael P. Colivet] and the Republican prisoners’
Economic Committee in Hare Park Camp.
Also includes documents on the organisation of the fishing industry, agenda
and ‘precis of discussion which took place at meeting of the Industrial SubCommittee’ on 24 June 1924 (2 items, 1p & 3pp) and carbon copy ‘Report on
Inspection of Hare Park and Tintown’ forwarded by the Director of
Intelligence to Ruttledge being ‘the report submitted by the Camp O/C which
fully explains the prisoners’ attitude and can be used for publicity’ (2 June
1924, 3pp). c.80 items

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1745 contd. – questionnaire with answers by Ruttledge concerning the Boundary
Commission (7 June 1924, 3 items);
– copy of memorandum issued by Ruttledge to all Cabinet members giving
extracts from a communication to him dated 5 July 1924 from de Valera in
Arbour Hill referring to his visiting privileges and those of Austin Stack and
warning the Acting President and Chief of Staff not to be captured ‘before we
are all out–even if they only kept you 24 hours–would be a victory for them–a
certain finality in their campaign (which they have failed to get up to this).
Take no chances then. Very hopeful as to the future’ (9 July 1924, 1p);
– memorandum issued by Ruttledge to all Cabinet members –‘C. meeting will
be held as soon as possible after the President’s return, which will be early
next week. I suggest that each member of the Cabinet prepare a written report,
for meeting, on the work of his Department from the time of the President’s
arrest, or in the case of members who were not in a position to take up duties
for some time afterwards, from the time of taking over’ (26 July 1923, 1p).
Note: ‘M.C.’ refers to Michael Comyn legal advisor to the Republican
government. c.150 items

2770 March 1929– Legal opinions on the land annuities. Comprises
September 1934 counsel’s opinions and correspondence between
de Valera and the following:

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1811 1922–[23] Various legal opinions of the Treaty and the
legal position of Ireland since the signing of the
Treaty i.e. the legality of the Dáil. Also includes documents relating to the
Boundary Commission. Includes:
– holograph letter to de Valera from Michael Comyn stating he is enclosing ‘a
rough draft of my part of the pamphlet…I will append a full list of British
Breaches’ (13 November 1922, 4pp). Attached is a typescript draft of a legal
opinion [by Comyn?] alleging the illegality in the parliamentary measures
taken since 6 December 1921, by the British Government (including 12 Geo.5
Chapter 4) and the Provisional Government ([second half of 1922], 6pp). Also
attached is a printed copy of chapter 4 of the Irish Free State (Agreement)
Act, 1922 [12 Geo.5], an Act to give the force of the law to the Treaty
Agreement ([31 March 1922], 9pp). With handwritten notes on back page.
7 items

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1872 [January]−July 1924 Communications to and from de Valera in jail
in Arbour Hill Barracks between [mid/late
January] and July 1924, mainly between de Valera and Acting President P.J.
Ruttledge and between de Valera and Michael Comyn on the Dáil Éireann
litigation in the U.S.A.. Includes typescript copies of many of de Valera’s
holograph dispatches.
Also includes holograph letter to de Valera from Chief of Staff Aiken about a
recent meeting of the Army Council and how the ‘boys’ are faring. In Irish
(n.d., 1p). 25 items

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1935 [November]– File on the outcome of the Boundary
December 1925 & n.d. Commission’s work and the Boundary
Agreement of 3 December 1925. Mainly
consists of copies of statements and interviews with de Valera on the
Boundary Commission. Includes:
– typescript ‘Notes on the Boundary Negotiations’ signed by John Chartres.
With holograph annotation by de Valera ‘This note was sent to me recently–
confidentially. I intend using substance’. (19 October 1924, 3pp);
– telegram from ‘Broadstreet Dublin’ to the Morning Post in London giving
comments by de Valera on the Boundary Commission and denying
allegations that Republican Deputies contemplated entering the Free State
Parliament (1 December 1925, 4pp);
– part of an article for The Irish World by Frank Gallagher on the Boundary
Agreement, sent by Gallagher to aid de Valera in preparing his statement on
the matter (4 December 1925, 2 items, 1p & 2pp);
– ‘Appeal to Republican Deputies’ from de Valera calling on all those
‘elected at and since the General election of 1923 to be present at the meeting
called for the Shelbourne Hotel at 11.30 a.m. to-morrow (Tuesday)…I
welcome the opportunity which I hope the meeting will afford of reuniting the
people of all parties throughout the country in effective opposition to
partitioning our motherland’. Signed by de Valera (7 December 1925, 1p)
– American and Irish and English newspaper articles (November–December
1925, 4 items);
– holograph notes by Michael Comyn, including ‘Arguments for a
Constituent Assembly’ (December 1925, 3 items);
– typescript list of 55 ‘Deputies who voted for Boundary Agreement Bill

1925. Thereby creating status quo for North East Ulster Government’ and
      those who voted against (14) (15 December 1925, 2pp) and lists of those who
      voted for and against in the Bill’s 2nd and 3rd Reading in the House (n.d.,
      2pp);
      – extracts from Dáil debates on 13 April, 30 June, 20 &– extracts from Dáil debates on 13 April, 30 June, 20 & 25 July 1923,
1926. referring to the Boundary Commission headed ‘The Boundary Commission as
1927. mentioned in the Free State Parliament’ (n.d., 7pp);
1928. – pamphlet (n.d., 4pp) entitled Ulster Betrayed. The Startling Admissions of
1929. Eoin MacNeill by Fr. Isidore B. Mooney (Whiteley & Wright, Manchester).
1930. 35 items

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2172 1 February 1932 & n.d. Case for Joint Opinion and further Joint
Opinion of Counsel, Michael Comyn K.C.,
James Geoghegan K.C., George Gavan Duffy K.C. and Conor A. Maguire
B.L. (n.d., 2 items); and Case and Joint Opinion of Counsel as to whether
Great Britain is entitled to receive annually from the Irish Free State a sum
equal to the Land Purchase Annuities (3 items, 1 February 1932, original
28pp, & 2 corrected copies, 29pp & 22pp). Original signed by Michael
Comyn, Martin C. Maguire, James Geoghegan, Hubert C. Hamilton, George
Gavan Duffy, Arthur E. Clery and Conor A. Maguire.
5 items

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2172 1 February 1932 & n.d. Case for Joint Opinion and further Joint
Opinion of Counsel, Michael Comyn K.C.,
James Geoghegan K.C., George Gavan Duffy K.C. and Conor A. Maguire
B.L. (n.d., 2 items); and Case and Joint Opinion of Counsel as to whether
Great Britain is entitled to receive annually from the Irish Free State a sum
equal to the Land Purchase Annuities (3 items, 1 February 1932, original
28pp, & 2 corrected copies, 29pp & 22pp). Original signed by Michael
Comyn, Martin C. Maguire, James Geoghegan, Hubert C. Hamilton, George
Gavan Duffy, Arthur E. Clery and Conor A. Maguire.
5 items

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2233 contd. Agreements of 1923 and 1926 as an argument to deny the binding force of
those arrangements is not advisable’ (11 June 1935, 6pp). Refers in
memorandum to letter of 31 October 1932 to the Scotsman written by A.
Berriedale Keith, Professor of Sanskrit at Edinburgh University and a leading
authority on Commonwealth law. Accompanied by carbon copy of the letter
(31 October 1932, 1p) and the following items:
– press cuttings on the letter by Prof. Keith published in the Scotsman under
the title ‘Irish Free State Claims’ declaring that British ‘negotiators made a
very bad mistake when they failed in 1925 to effect a final financial
settlement in treaty form duly approved by the British and Free State
Parliaments, and I have no doubt that sooner or later we shall pay heavily for
it in the inevitable waiver of part of our claims’ (November 1932, 2 items, 1p
each);
– minute by Rynne for Joseph P. Walshe on the implications of Prof. Keith’s
letter. Signed by Rynne (8 November 1932, 5pp);
– memorandum by Legal Advisor Michael Comyn on Prof. Keith’s letter (12
December 1932, 17pp);
– pamphlet by Prof. Keith entitled Certain Legal and Constitutional Aspects
of the Anglo-Irish Dispute. With An Introduction by Henry Harrison, O.B.E.,
M.C. (The Irish News and Information Bureau, London) (April 1934, 16pp).
See also P150/2200 for pamphlets on the land purchase annuities by Henry
Harrison 7 items

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2770 March 1929– Legal opinions on the land annuities. Comprises
September 1934 counsel’s opinions and correspondence between
de Valera and the following:

Diarmuid Crowley (D. O’Cruadhlaoich) (n.d., 3 items).
43 items

Arthur C. Meredith, K.C. (17 March–15 April 1929; 23 June & 4 September
1934, 7 items);

Michael Comyn, K.C. (16 April–22 July 1929, 10 items);

Hubert C. Hamilton, K.C. (2, 31 May 1929, 3 items);

William Jellet, K.C. (2 May 1929, 2 items);

Martin C. Maguire, K.C. (2 May 1929, 2 items);

Arthur E. Clery, K.C. (July 1931, 3 items);

George Gavan Duffy (18 December 1931, 3 items);

Henry Harrison (25 October 1932, 1 item) and

2265 August & September 1933 Report from the Clare Champion on de Valera’s
visit to Ennis on 27 August 1933 during his tour
of constituencies (2 September 1933, 4pp) including reports on the speeches
made by local representative Seán O’Grady, T.D., Senator D.H. McParland,
Senator Michael Comyn, K.C. and de Valera. Also accompanied by typescript
report on de Valera’s speech by ‘Mr. Lawler, reporter at Ennis’, sent to
Kathleen O’Connell (18pp). 3 items

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